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DOCUMENTS .-.RTMENT
SAN FRANCISCO PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 1223 90214 9849
CALIFORNIA LEGISLATURE
Tenth Report of the
Senate Fact-Finding Committee
On Un-American Activities
1959
MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE
SENATOR NATHAN F. COOMBS, Vice Chairman SENATOR JOHN F. THOMPSON
SENATOR EARL D. DESMOND * SENATOR JOHN F. McCARTHY
SENATOR HUGH M. BURNS, Chairman
R. E. COMBS, Counsel
MARY E. HOPE, Executive Secretary
Published by ihe
SENATE
OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA
LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR GLENN M. ANDERSON
President of the Senate
HUGH M. BURNS JOSEPH A. BEEK
President pro Tempore Secretary
* Deceased, 1958
Q./&3
7S3143
DOCUMENTS DEPlf
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Senate Chamber, State Capitol
Sacramento, June 19, 1959
Hon. Glenn M. Anderson
President of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the Senate;
Senate Chamber, Sacramento, California
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate : Pursuant to Senate
Resolution No. 132, which appears at page 5111 of the Senate Journal
for June 12, 1957, the Senate Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American
Activities was created and the following Members of the Senate were
appointed to said committee by the Senate Committee on Rules : Senator
Nathan F. Coombs, Senator Earl D. Desmond,* Senator John F. Mc-
Carthy, Senator John F. Thompson, Senator Hugh M. Burns.
The committee herewith submits a report of its investigation, find-
ings, and recommendation.
Respectfully submitted,
Hugh M. Burns, Chaiman
Nathan F. Coombs, Vice Chairman
John F. McCarthy
John F. Thompson
* Deceased, 1958.
(3)
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2013
http://archive.org/details/reportofsenatefa1959cali
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 9
Period of Open Activity 9
Communist Fallout 11
The Soft Hook 12
Infiltration of State Government 16
Political Fronts 18
Communist Political Techniques 21
Independent Progressive Party 27
Current Communist Political Activity in California 30
Strategic Errors Rectified 34
Infiltration of Education 41
Confusion on the Campus 44
Detecting Communist Teachers 50
Can Communists Teach Objectively? 51
The Objective Teaching of Communism 52
Brooklyn College 53
Faculty Questionnaire, Fund for the Republic Study,
April, 1955 59
Professors Refuse to Co-operate with F.B.I 81
Who Runs the State University? 83
Infiltration of Labor 87
The Profintern 89
Revolutionary Situation 91
"World Federation of Trade Unions 94
Phillip M. Connelly 98
Public Utilities 99
Statement by George Meany 104
Infiltration of the Motion Picture Industry 109
The Red Blacklist 114
Infiltration of the Professions 117
The Medical Profession 117
The Legal Profession 120
Red Legal Aid in California 123
National Lawyers Guild 126
Communist Front Organizations 135
The Attorney General's List 138
The Communist Book Stores 146
The Party Goes Underground 148
Underground, But Not Deep Enough 154
The Vassiliev Document 156
Infiltration of Federal Government 171
Current Communist Techniques 178
Petition for Communist School 184
Communism and the Law 187
The Supreme Court 187
The Law Clerks 199
Hancock v. Burns 203
The Liquidators 206
The Intimidation of Virginia Hedges 213
INDEX 221
(5)
Copies of previous Un-Ameri-
can Activities Reports may be
available in California Public
Libraries.
(7)
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
PERIOD OF OPEN ACTIVITY
Several years ago this committee received a crate of documents from
an anonymous source. The papers were of such a nature that they
were readily identified and authenticated as the records of a top-flight
little group of Communists who were operating the party's cultural
and political apparatus in southern California. They contained hun-
dreds of names, both those of Communists and sympathizers who could
be safely contacted. There were files of correspondence, the member-
ship and mailing lists of front organizations, and minutes of Commu-
nist meetings.
We were especially interested in the minutes of a strategy meeting
by five Communists, because they were discussing us, and agreed that
the committee could never have accomplished the work of the past two
years unless it had at least a quarter of a million dollars in addition
to the sum appropriated to it by the Legislature.
Their statement, however flattering, was not so significant as the
long-range strategy disclosed for future Communist activity on a
statewide basis. The party was to concentrate on infiltration of politics,
education, and trade unions, and was to do so as openly as possible.
Aside from the fact that unforeseen circumstances have made it ex-
pedient for these plans to be conducted largely from underground posi-
tions, the program set forth in these documents has been meticulously
followed.
This windfall of highly secret documents came from the Communist
Party to the committee in a rather curious manner. Someone had dis-
covered that the party intended to move several packing cases and filing
cabinets of documents from one location to another. The transportation
was to be done late at night by truck and the details concerning the ar-
rangements were supposed to be known to a very limited few. Neverthe-
less, as one of the trucks containing the most critical filing cabinet
started on its way from the old location to the new one, it rolled over a
deep rut and that particular packing case was jarred off the truck and
fell into the street. It so happened that an individual friendly to the
committee was standing nearby and apparently had some inkling as to
what was transpiring. He secured the documents and presented them
to the committee.
At that time there was considerable Communist activity at the Uni-
versity of California in Los Angeles, and there had also been a good
deal of activity among writers connected with the motion picture in-
dustry. At the university during 1943 a function was held called the
Writers' Congress, which we have described in detail in an earlier re-
(»)
10 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
port. This function was participated in by the Hollywood Writers'
Mobilization, also exposed by the committee as a Communist-dominated
organization. Many of the names mentioned in the documents that came
to the committee's attention in the manner described above were those
of faculty members of the university, students attending that institut-
ion, and prominent members of the Hollywood Screen Writers' Guild.
The committee had been exceedingly active in investigating the
university and the Hollywood Writers' Mobilization, as well as various
Communist front organizations that functioned throughout the south-
ern part of the State from 1941 through 1945. A great many public
hearings had been held at which Communist functionaries, officials of
front organizations, faculty members from U. C. L. A., faculty members
from the Communist school in Los Angeles, teachers in the Los Angeles
City School System, and people who were working in the motion picture
industry were all subpoenaed and questioned at great length.
We cite these matters to illustrate that from 1939 through 1955,
Communist activity in the United States, and particularly in New
York and California, was brazen, open, impertinent, and publicly
flaunted for all to see. There were demonstrations in public offices and
picket lines in front of public buildings. There were student demonstra-
tions on the campuses and at the front gates of various universities
throughout the State. There were party line pamphlets and reams of
propaganda emitted by hosts of Communist front organizations that
were flourishing from one end of the State to the other. There were
motor caravans that advanced on the State Capital during sessions of
the Legislature; there were open letters, public demonstrations of all
sorts, and great strikes such as those at North American Aviation Com-
pany and Warner Brothers studio, led by Communists who disdained
to conceal their open participation in these tiny revolutions and tests of
the class conflict. It was, indeed, an era of open Communist Party
activity in this State, and the committee reacted by holding many open
hearings and amassing great volumes of testimony.
Since 1955 all of this has changed. There is no longer this defiant
and brazen activity on the part of the Communists in this State. On the
contrary, they have retreated by plan to carefully prepared positions
and have insinuated their unknown members into strategic positions
throughout our governmental and social structure. The front organiza-
tions formerly so useful to the party have now been abandoned, with
very few exceptions. Consequently, the state committee has held fewer
hearings and devised new techniques to meet the new challenge posed
by this abrupt change in Communist Party operational techniques.
This transition from open to underground activity was under-
taken because of excellent and logical reasons, all of which will be
explained in detail hereafter. The party is working more feverishly than
ever before, and we will show later in this report how successful the new
technique has been when we reproduce statements from the Communist
Party itself taking credit for some of the most momentous changes
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 11
wrought for the protection of subversive elements in our country since
the Communist Party began operating in the United States in 1919.
It is unfortunately true that too many people are inclined to gauge
the success of the various governmental agencies investigating subver-
sive activities by the amount of sensational headlines those investiga-
tions produce. During the early years of Communist activity pub-
licity was necessary in order to combat the subversive menace and
to break through public apathy and misunderstanding as to the real
nature of the problem. That time has now passed. Much of the old
apathy remains, but it is still no longer necessary to convince the
average American citizen that Communism is indeed subversive, that
the American Communist Party and every one of its members are
subject to the complete disciplinary control of the Soviet Union, that
the party is the great reservoir from which espionage agents are
recruited for international Communism, and that the Communist Party
is determined, at any cost, to destroy all non-Communist governments
throughout the world and to establish in their place a world Communist
dictatorship.
A great many uninformed individuals have a tendency to believe that
since the Communist Party of the United States has recently shrunk in
membership to an all-time low, that the Communist menace is now a
thing of the past; that all committees should be disbanded, the F.B.I.
should be emasculated, and that we should all return to our business of
making the most of our political and economic opportunities. This naive
attitude and this incredible ignorance concerning the Communist
menace is international Communism's greatest weapon against us. Ex-
perts in the anti-Communist field have told us over and over again, that
it is not the number of Communists about which we have to worry so
much, it is the incredible facility with which they insinuate themselves
into strategic positions from which they exercise a control far dispropor-
tionate to their numerical strength. At the height of its success the
Communist Party of the United States comprised approximately
100,000 members; in 1943, there were about 3,000 known members in
Los Angeles County alone. After considering all of the reliable sources
available to it, this committee is convinced that the national strength of
the Communist Party at the present time is between 15,000 and 20,000.
Communist Fallout
Let us, at this point, indicate a matter that has never been discussed
before in this country, insofar as we are aware, but that has been
mentioned briefly by a British writer, Mr. Colm Brogan, in an article
which he entitled, "Beware the Ex-Communist. " Every Communist
Party in the world, with the exception of the party in the Soviet Union
and those which lie behind the Iron Curtain, has an enormous member-
ship turnover every year. Those members who climb to positions of
authority or who are recruited for espionage purposes are not suffered
to leave without a terrific struggle. But the rank and file members
are continually coming in and out of the party organization. They
12 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
do not, however, appear before any governmental body, confess the
error of their ways, explain the matters that led up to their disillusion-
ment and disaffection, and give their country or their state the benefit
of their knowledge concerning a conspiratorial and subversive effort
to gnaw away at the foundations of those governments. On the con-
trary, the ex-Communist usually leaves the party because he is mad at
some superior functionary, because he is unhappy at an assignment
that is distasteful to him, or because he disagrees with the current
Communist Party line. After 18 years experience in this work, your
committee is absolutely convinced that the overwhelming majority of
rank and file Communists who leave the party are prompted to do so
because in their opinion it is not strong enough and is not taking
enough emphatic action in its unceasing efforts to subvert and destroy
the State and nation. These ex-members are still Marxists, they are still
Communists, and they have a peculiar choice of freedom as they are
no longer bound by the inexorable ties of party discipline and the cur-
rent Communist Party line.
On several occasions the committee has subpoenaed these former
members only to find that they are more defiant than ever, more
determined to show their old comrades that they are steeled fighters
in the world class struggle ; and we have even convicted them and sent
them to jail, where they proudly served a term of 30 or 60 days and
emerged more dedicated and more fanatic than before — proudly wear-
ing the martyr's badge as a symbol of their Marxian determination
and zeal.
During every normal year the American Communist Party has lost
approximately 25 percent of its total membership for one reason or
another. Most of the turnover is due to disaffection on the part of rank
and file members as already stated, but there is also swift disciplinary
action for the untrustworthy, the recalcitrant, the dissident, the trouble-
maker— those who stray from the path of rectitude and fail to toe the
mark demanded by rigid party discipline. By this we can easily see
what an enormous reservoir of former Communists has been created
since the founding of the party in 1919, and we then realize that the
Communist Party has a poisonous fallout of its own which is constantly
increasing and which poses a far more deadly threat to our American
way of life than the fallout that is emitted by the nuclear experiments
which the Communist Party is so determined shall be stopped.
The Soft Hook
The Communist Party shifted its activities into high gear approxi-
mately 35 years ago and it should now be quite plain that a great many
individuals who commenced as rank and file party members have since
achieved such positions of strategic importance and prominence, both
to themselves and to the Communist cause, that they resigned from the
party to protect themselves in their exalted positions and to further
the cause of world Communism by posing as sincere liberals. It is
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 13
ironically true that a great many of these former Communists became
honestly disillusioned with the party and sought to sever the last vestige
of connection with it. They were suffered to do this by the Communist
functionaries until the time came when their services were necessary
for the cause. At that time it was quite a simple matter to remind these
unfortunate hostages that the party still retained indisputable evidence
of their former membership, and now that the individual was happily
married, had several children, was secure in a remunerative and influ-
ential position, he could easily be destroyed if his former affiliation was
disclosed. The usual technique is referred to by the Communist Party
as getting the victim on "the soft hook." He would be asked to perform
some trivial service for the party, such as permitting a party secretary
to be employed in his office so that she could take his telephone calls,
open his mail, arrange his appointments, monitor his speaking engage-
ments, and channel her fund of strategic information into the right
places. Once this had been done, the hook sank deeper and deeper.
Finally, he would become so hopelessly enmeshed in party activities
against his will that a complete break appeared to him utterly impossi-
ble without sacrificing his career, his position, his friends, and even
risking the alienation of his family.
We have referred to this technique time and again in previous re-
ports, and those who believe the Communist Party incapable of such
unethical and immoral conduct are incredibly naive. Let us analyze a
hypothetical case, but one which is predicated solidly on documentary
evidence in the committee's files. Universities have been and always
will be a principal target for Communist colonization and infiltration
because they deal with impressionable young students studying to be
lawyers, doctors, engineers, nurses, social workers, teachers, and to
occupy other positions of leadership and prestige. Let us, therefore, use
a mythical university as the scene for our hypothetical case.
Suppose we take the case of a student who is preparing himself to
be a teacher of, say, economics. Naturally brilliant and hard working,
this young man soon made an enviable reputation as a scholar. He
graduated with honors in the midst of a severe depression but found
work with one of the many agencies of the Federal Government, the
National Economic Commission on Migratory Workers. Here he was
surrounded by Communists, and soon discovered that unless he went
along with the party program he would be out of a job. Every
morning copies of the Daily Worker, the People's World and the
propaganda pamphlets of the State, County and Municipal Workers
of America and the United Federal Workers of America were scattered
around the office, and the anti-Communists were ruthlessly eliminated
regardless of their abilities, while those who remained neutral and
passive were relegated to the more unimportant positions with no
prospects of advancement. It eventually became evident that even the
head of the agency in Washington was a Communist Party member,
or at least an ardent fellow-traveler, so brazen were the activities of
his employees.
14 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Working in intimate association with party members, in an atmos-
phere where Communism somehow appeared to be fashionable, and
where only Communists were rapidly advanced and accepted by the
leadership, our young student was easily pursuaded to become a party
member. He joined, not so much because of his ideological convictions
but more as an expedient to hold his job under adverse circumstances
and to further himself as much as possible. Thereafter he worked for
one federal agency after another, his promotions came easily, and
his circle of close association with leading Communists became ever
wider. With a few he even formed genuine friendships, but after the
war was over and the depression ended he lost interest in party affairs
and went back to the university as a graduate student. He took his
doctorate, secured a faculty position and settled down to achieve promi-
nence in his field. Success came rapidly and he married, began to raise
a family, took an active interest in university politics and the same
qualities that had served him so well as an undergraduate, and as a
federal employee, and as a professor, now made him an influential
member of the academic world. He was a member of powerful commit-
tees through which new faculty members were being selected, and
through which the university affairs were conducted.
It was at this point that one of his old comrades came to see him
and asked him to do a little service for the party, first congratulating
him on his fine family and his success at the university. There were no
threats, no promises ; none were necessary. Here was a chance to make
a clean break but there would be an enormous price to pay. There were
his wife and children, his colleagues, his job ; everything he had worked
for placed in sudden jeopardy. And it was really such a little favor,
after all — merely to use a certain secretary who was already a capable
university employee. She needed a better job, so his old friend said, and
the party wanted to do something for her. In the end she got the job,
and the barb of the soft hook was sunk fast. The new secretary began
suggesting the names of applicants for faculty positions that would be
acceptable to the party and insisted that others be rejected. Every
evidence of resistance on the part of her employer met with hints of
disclosure of his past.
As the years went by more secretaries were placed ; faculty members
in favor with the party were appointed to the most important com-
mittees, and were somehow enabled to rise rapidly in their several
departments. The university had been awarded several vital and highly
secret research projects for the Federal Government, and these in par-
ticular seemed peculiarly attractive to several of the relatively new
members of the faculty and to some clerical workers who had been
recommended by the party through its campus contacts. No amount
of security screening could possibly prove them to be anything but
extremely progressive as they had no documentable records of subver-
sive affiliation or activity. That, of course, is why they were so carefully
selected and why they were so useful.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 15
Eventually our mythical university came to be run by its academic
committees instead of by its board of trustees. Most of the trustees in
institutions of this type are appointed because of their wealth and
prestige and are never expected to actually supervise the running of
the university anyway. Therefore it was quite simple for this vacuum
to be filled by the faculty, and for it to take over and operate the
institution by a complicated system of committees. Inevitably, the com-
mittees that exercised the most authority were composed of the most
radically "liberal" professors, "manic-progressives," as Mr. David
Boroff calls them. Thus was created a tightly-controlled clique of elite
professors whose influence was far greater than one might expect. And
how were they manipulated into these positions, and by whom were
they controlled ? Why, by a tiny, hard core of Communist functionaries
who made a tool of a former party member by patiently waiting and
watching until he reached a position of importance and had a family,
and then they used the "soft hook" technique to blackmail him into
total obedience.
And this, in brief, is how a few amoral Communist professionals can
control a university, a labor union, and many other large and predomi-
nately non-Communist organizations. Does this seem a bit too lurid and
sensational? Too farfetched? Too melodramatic? We can only repeat
that while wholly hypothetical, it is based on solid evidence in the com-
mittee 's possession. The Alberts case, the Laura Law case, the Hudson
case, and the Abrams case seemed far more incredible until they were
proven to be Communist murders ; three of them in California.
Bearing in mind that in 1937 there were at least 3,000 Communists
in Los Angeles County, that New York has always had a larger mem-
bership than California, and that the alltime high for the United
States was some 100,000 party members, we may quite safely put
the average number of persons subject to party discipline at 20,000
per year. And if there has been a membership turnover of approxi-
mately 25 percent, this would mean a 35-year reservoir constantly
being supplied with ex-Communists.
Experience has demonstrated beyond all doubt that an extremely
small percentage of these former Communists really sever their alle-
giance to the cause. As Mr. Brogan, British journalist, puts it:
"When a man submits to some years of discipline and indoctri-
nation, Communism does something to him, and it cannot be un-
done unless the man himself makes a painful and total reappraisal,
not only of his political beliefs, but also of his whole approach to
life. The men who leave the Party over a personal quarrel, a dis-
pute over some particular issue, or for reasons of their own per-
sonal convenience, are quite unlikely to make this reappraisal. Yet
these are the great majority of those who do leave. Ideologically,
they are still more or less on call. ' ' *
1 "Beware the Ex-Communist," by Colm Brogan. American Opinion, Nov., 1958, Vol.
1, No. 9, page 10.
16 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
We have seen how the Communist Party of the United States during
its 35 years of activity has left a poisonous fallout of former members,
virtually none of whom have completely broken away from their old
ideological ties and their dreams of a world Communist government.
In addition, there is also a group of highly dedicated and specially
trained individuals who comprise what is known in party parlance as
the "sleeper apparatus." These individuals make regular payments of
Communist Party dues in the normal manner, have never been per-
mitted to attend party meetings, are instructed to pose an anti-
Communist conservatives, and to insinuate themselves into the most
strategic possible positions and lie dormant until such time as they are
able to exert their influence for the party's benefit in a time of critical
need. It is not appropriate at this place to mention the names and
positions occupied by some of these people, but such a list will be given
and supported by documentary evidence at a subsequent place in this
report. There has always been a fairly large underground apparatus
of the Communist Party — leaving on the surface for public view a
propaganda machinery such as newspapers and magazines, the media
through which these are disseminated such as the bookstores in San
Francisco and Los Angeles, the Communist Party recruiting centers
and educational institutions, such as the California Labor School in
San Francisco and Los Angeles, and a smattering of Communist fronts
that are used to attract the unwary non-Communist liberals and imbue
them with the necessity for supporting the Communist Party line and
possibly to recruit some of them as party members.
During the period that we are now discussing, the period of open
Communist activity, the underground was relatively small and that
portion of the party functioning above ground relatively large. As we
shall see later, in 1955 and 1956 the entire Communist Party apparatus
was submerged except for a tiny fragment that was left to operate the
newspapers and the monthly ideologically magazine published by the
National Committee of the Communist Party of the United States.
INFILTRATION OF STATE GOVERNMENT
The Communist Party of California has made two efforts to infiltrate
the political structure of the State and exercise a profound influence
on its government. The first of these efforts occured during 1938 and
was carried through the election of 1940 ; the second effort occured in
1948 and was carried through the elections of 1950. Whether or not
the party made a similar effort in 1958 remains to be seen. There is
considerable pursuasive evidence to the effect that such an effort has
already been made and will be intensified during 1959.
By the mid-thirties the Communist Party all over the United States
was beginning to feel its strength. This was largely because its activity
was not impeded to any appreciable degree, and no adequate intelli-
gence work had been done for the purpose of collecting reliable infor-
mation concering the identities of the leaders, the nature of the physical
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 17
organization of the party, an analysis of its techniques and familiarity
with its ideological background and its propaganda. Consequently, with
the meeting of the Seventh "World Congress of the Communist Inter-
national in Moscow in 1935, and the institution of the so-called "United
Front" tactic, each of the foreign Communist parties was ordered
to discontinue its practice of functioning alone and independently and
to adopt a program of subtly boring into all mass organizations for
the purpose of switching them into conformity with current party line.
In December, 1936, the Communist Party of California ordered its
Political Commission to create a People's Legislative Conference,
through which the trade unions, churches, peace groups, farmers organi-
zations and the EPIC movement could be consolidated. There were 17
Communists appointed to this commission and they immediately opened
offices in San Francisco and Los Angeles. They observed the new
ground rules by manipulating several well-known non-Communist pro-
gressives into the new front organization as officers, and over their
signatures a call was issued for a meeting to be held in Sacramento on
January 16, 1937. More than 200 organizations were represented and
the People's Legislative Conference was under way. The Communists
carefully placed their own members in obscure but powerful jobs to
keep activity under control, this responsibility being entrusted to five
highly trained persons.
During the 1937 session of the Legislature 90 bills, all drafted by
the Professional Section of the Communist Party in San Francisco,
were presented by a group of Assemblymen who were organized by
their Communist contact for this very purpose. The inauguration of
this Legislative Conference was only the preliminary step. The party
had perfected a much more elaborate and far-reaching plan. It wanted
to inaugurate a California Labor's Nonpartisan League; to send mem-
bers into the Democratic and Republican Parties; to replace conserva-
tive and middle-of-the-road Legislators with more liberal candidates
and thus to write the laws, elect the executives — in short, to capture
political control of the State. The plan almost succeeded, as we shall
see.
On April 19, 1937, under the auspices of the San Francisco Central
Labor Council, a mass meeting was held. Non-Communist labor leaders
advocated formation of a nonpartisan league but the project got out
of control and soon collapsed. But Communists do not give up so
easily, and it was decided to have the People's Legislative Conference
declared an affiliate of the league. Preparations were accordingly made,
a meeting of 300 delegates convened at Santa Maria on June 20, 1937,
and it was announced that henceforth the People's Legislative Con-
ference would be known as Labor's Nonpartisan League in California.
New officers were elected and while only one was a Communist, he was
the secretary-treasurer and wielded enormous influence. In order to
insure that there would be no possibility in losing control, however, a
18 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
majority of the members of the State Executive Committee were under
complete control of the Communist Party apparatus.
The drive to infiltrate and control the Democratic Party, in par-
ticular, was to be accomplished through a specially organized spearhead
of seven members of the Legislature and two co-ordinators. By Septem-
ber, 1937, the new machinery was working smoothly and thus in less
than a year the Communist Party of California had employed a group
of politically ambitious liberals as tools in erecting a powerful political
machine completely under Communist control. An organizing conven-
tion was held in San Francisco on December 11, and 12, 1937, and the
first part of the operation was completed. The second phase consisted
in the capture of the Democratic Party, if possible, and the planting
of a powerful Communist nucleus in the Republican Party.
Labor's Nonpartisan League effectively consolidated the labor vote;
it now remained to bring together the non-labor liberals and progres-
sives. Accordingly, a second organization was formed, the California
Committee of One Hundred for Political Unity. It eventually became
the California Committee for Political Unity, directed by a Communist
fraction of 14 people, each an experienced, tough, reliable party
member.
Much of the foregoing information is taken from reports of infor-
mants who actually operated at high levels and in positions of authority
in the organizations heretofore mentioned ; their evidence has been care-
fully checked and corroborated, and in addition, the committee has
taken considerable information from a book by Robert E. Burke,
Olson's New Deal for California, University of California Press,
Berkeley, California, 1953, as well as the testimony of the Secretary of
the Communist Party of Los Angeles County, Jack Moore, and various
Communist Party publications. The committee also referred to The Pol-
itics of California, by David Farrelly and Ivan Hinderaker, Ronald
Press Company, New York, 1951, and various documents and records of
the United Organizations for Progressive Political Action, Labor's
Nonpartisan League, Statewide Legislative Conference, and other
organizations.
One of the informant's reports concluded, "It is clear that in 1937
and 1938, the Communist Party in California transformed its tradi-
tional methods and forms of political work in accord with its United
Front tactics. Statements made by "William Z. Foster and Earl Browder
indicate that the Communist Party intends to further develop its
political activities so that it may play a decisive role in the 1940
elections."
Political Fronts
And this informant could not have predicted more accurately. Los
Angeles County, with its enormous voting population, had been care-
fully cultivated. As a matter of fact, the Communists had, in 1935,
created the United Organizations for Progressive Political Action with
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 19
35 constituent members. Meetings were held weekly in cafes and restau-
rants in the city, and by 1936 more than 70 organizations had been
drawn into the UOPPA — all very progressive. Its organ, the United
Progressive News, was published from 416 Bank of America Building,
Second and Spring Streets, Los Angeles, by a staff of seven — all Com-
munist Party members. United Organizations for Progressive Political
Action tested its strength in organizing the campaign to recall Governor
Merriam. This provided an excuse for obtaining the names and ad-
dresses of people who were sufficiently opposed to conservative politics
and to the alleged reactionary policies of the Governor to sign recall
petitions. This is an old Communist trick and was employed with aston-
ishing success in 1932 and 1934 when petitions were circulated for the
ostensible purpose of winning the Communist Party a place on the
primary ballot in Los Angeles, and again by the Independent Pro-
gressive Party in 1948 to qualify that organization to participate in the
statewide election. The real purpose of this device, however, consisted
of obtaining thousands of names of liberal and progressive individuals
from which to recruit new members for the party, or at least to enlist
as many of them as possible as ardent fellow travelers and supporters
of the Communist Party line. By June 23, 1936, UOPPA had endorsed
a slate of 7 candidates for Congress, 19 for the State Assembly and 11
for the Judiciary.
The Communist Party Political Commission usually held its meetings
at 3989 Denker Avenue in Los Angeles, and later met in various houses
and downtown restaurants. A former member of the commission told
our committee under oath:
"That our commission discussed ways and means of influencing
various prominent persons in the Democratic Party — I recall in
particular (name omitted) — and frankly discussed the past record,
weaknesses and stupidities of such persons with a view toward
controlling them; one of the tactics most frequently planned as a
method of controlling a political figure was to invite him to a
Communist Party fraction meeting, planning on revealing to him
after he had been lured into the meeting, that he was sitting in
an 'open' fraction meeting, and giving him to understand that
this fact would be used against him unless he did the bidding of
the Communist Party;
"At that time I realized that few Americans who had been
reared to believe the best in their fellow man could withstand such
Machiavellian cynicism in politics, and realized full well that such
scheming, unprincipled political manipulators would be very
successful in politics; at that moment I realized the true meaning
of Georgi Dimitrov's 'popular front' speech; he meant that the
Communists could accomplish more by devious indirection than
they would by standing on a soap box and shouting revolution, as
they had in the past; but by that time I also realized that there
was no hope of finding honesty or frankness within the Communist
20 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Party ; heretofore I had put down much of the things with which
I was dissatisfied to ' lack of development ' and to the ' wrong inter-
pretation of the Communist Party line;' now I knew that the
higher one went, the worse the corruption;
"That the fates of many political figures were decided at meet-
ings of the aforesaid commission, in view of the fact that the Young
Democrats, the CIO, a large bloc of the motion picture colony, as
well as the Democratic Party itself, could be manipulated by these
Communist schemers; our Commission had the facilities to reach
everyone of the supposed 3,000 Communist Party members in Los
Angeles County with the directives — 'musts' — and these individu-
als, in turn, because each one of them was as active or more so
than myself, influential in several organizations, could multiply
his influence by several hundreds; thus our Los Angeles County
Political Commission of the Communist Party was determining a
large part of the policies of Los Angeles City and County and the
State of California."
In discussing the techniques that were employed to utilize non-
Communists and the various Communist front organizations, the state-
ment continued:
' ' Individuals who were ' liberal ' merely because of their human-
itarian impulses could be brought under the Communist Party
political influence through such organizations as the United China
Relief and the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade; the
Jewish people could be influenced through their hatred of Nazis,
through the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League; that Mexicans could be
influenced through the Spanish Speaking People's Congress; that
Negroes could be influenced through the National Negro Congress,
and the Japanese- American voters through the publication Doho ;
women, especially housewives, could be reached through the League
of Women Shoppers ; and so on, to say nothing of the 21-year-old
youths which the Communist Party tried to reach through its
Youth Assemblies, which later became the California Youth Legis-
lature, member of the national Communist-controlled American
Youth Congress; I know from Communist literature and official
Communist statements that all of the foregoing organizations were
at that time controlled by the Communist Party ;
"That we discussed some briefly, some at length, the role, in
relation to Communist Party program, of the Los Angeles News-
paper Guild, the National Lawyers Guild, the Screen Writers
Guild, the Screen Actors Guild, the Screen Directors Guild, the
Teacher's Union, the International Alliance of Theatrical and
Stage Employees Progressive Conference * * * ; the CIO Council ;
the Musicians ' Union ; the Culinary Workers Union, as well as the
Workers Alliance and the new-born Communist co-ordinating body
for WPA, the Arts Unions Council;
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 21
"That those were our implements; our methods were described
previously as basely cynical; the coating of idealism which was
wrapped around the Communist Party plans when they were
handed down to the more tender comrades with whom I had pre-
viously associated was now left off ; without so much as a reference
to the Communist 'enabling act,' that is, Lenin's statement that
'the end justifies the means,' this commission plunged into the
California political field to build a secret, camouflaged, efficient
political machine ;
"That we probably had less than a thousand active Communist
cadres (the Communist Party term to indicate a human unit,
which is a 'thing,' not a being, in Communist thought) in the
entire Southern California area who were adept enough in par-
liamentary tricks, smooth enough to camouflage the Communist
Party line, daring enough to face and bluff out attacks, cynical
enough to proceed on orders without idealistic justification, and
who were tied, hand, brain and hide, to the Communist Party.
We had to juggle them around, give each many roles to play,
co-ordinate all work in order to make the Communist Party cam-
ouflage machine sound like a million volts. It required more than
training, or even long experience, and even the cleverest and the
slipperiest of American type political maneuvering. We had
access to, and drew from, the Communist Party's Asiatic form of
intrigue ; the use of teamwork and a combination of brazen affront-
ery and sly-psychological tricks * * * " 2
Communist Political Techniques
On February 6 and 7, 1937, a citywide conference was held in the
Angelus Hotel, at Fourth and Spring Streets sponsored by a division
of UOPPA, called the Youth Federation for United Political Action.
Thirty-six sponsoring organizations sent delegates and 21 adult ad-
visors ; four of the observers were mature members of the Young Com-
munist League, although there was very little for them to do as the
affair was completely under Communist control from its inception.
Shortly before the Los Angeles City elections in the spring of 1937,
a flood of propaganda gushed from the UOPPA office — postal ballots,
sample polls, straw votes and lists of candidates endorsed by the or-
ganization. By this time the party, its friends, its network of front
groups, its press, and its legion of fellow travelers, had become most
active. If the Political Commission was successful in the municipal
campaign, the apparatus could readily be expanded and shifted into
an even higher gear for the 1938 state elections. Already the ground-
work had been prepared, the situation seemed made to order for Com-
munist Party strategy and the time was ripe to follow the direction of
the Communist International and apply the tactic of the United Front.
a Affidavit of Rena Marie Vale, former member of the Communist Party Political
Commission, November 23, 1942.
22 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
The Communists had already managed to slip many of its members
into the Republican administration of Governor Merriam, and concen-
trated them in the State Relief Administration. This provided an ideal
medium through which they were brought into close contact with ap-
plicants for relief, and afforded an excellent opportunity for the in-
doctrination and recruiting of a great mass of maladjusted and embit-
tered people. Already the party had singled out Governor Merriam
as a symbol of reaction, and clamored for his recall and defeat.
Party propagandists mobilized to urge the election of a liberal admin-
istration and hoped to send more of its members to help the newly-
elected officials spread the new "progressive" way of life throughout
the State. It is hardly necessary to point out, as indeed the Communists
have frankly admitted, that both major political parties have always
been subject to infiltration — the obvious strategy being to "help" with
every major campaign in the hope of manipulating undercover Com-
munists into positions of political influence or other strategic impor-
tance to the party.
By March, 1937, the activity that preceded the Los Angeles City
election had reached such a pitch that UOPPA moved to larger quar-
ters in the Spring Arcade Building at 541 South Spring Street, and
augmented its staff considerably. Not all of its candidates were elected
in the spring of 1937, but enough success was achieved to encourage
the Communist Political Commission to give its approval for an ex-
tended participation in an all-out effort in the state election of 1938.
"While the United Organizations for Progressive Political Action was
the pivot around which the Los Angeles municipal elections turned,
so was Labor's Non-Partisan League the strategic center for the state
election of 1938. At Santa Maria, on June 20, 1937, 300 delegates met
to discuss the further activities of the People's Legislative Conference.
Once again the Communist Party fraction which completely dominated
the organization kept well in the background and arranged to have a
large majority of non-Communists take the floor. The real purpose of
the Santa Maria conference was to have the delegates pass a resolution
authorizing the executive committee of the California People's Legis-
lative Conference to "make formal application as soon as such applica-
tion is possible on behalf of the conference for affiliation to Labor's
Non-Partisan League." Already the Communist Party fraction had
been in correspondence with the officers of the Labor's Non-Partisan
League and it was agreed that the quickest way to firmly establish the
league in California was to have it absorb the People 's Legislative Con-
ference. The party fraction also had in mind that if this plan was
successfully accomplished, the Communist Party would continue to
dominate the organization regardless of its name. In further prepara-
tion for party control when the conference would become Labor's Non-
Partisan League, new officers were elected as was a new State Executive
Committee of 28 persons. With one exception, all of the officers were
non-Communists. The party felt, however, that the nominees would
continue their co-operation, but as an additional precaution a large
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 23
majority of the State Executive Committee were Communist Party
members.
The minutes and report of Labor's Non-Partisan League, on the
occasion of its California state convention, held in San Francisco, on
December 11 and 12, 1937, indicate how completely the Communist
Party controlled every activity of the organization. The credentials
committee of six included five members of the Communist Party, and
after a motion had been adopted that only delegates from the A. F.
of L., the C. I. 0., the Railway Brotherhoods and other branches of
Labor's Non-Partisan League could be seated at the convention, on a
subsequent recommendation of the credentials committee and the ap-
proval of the convention, the delegates from the Workers Alliance and
the National Negro Congress were also seated. Both of these organiza-
tions were dominated by the Communist Party. The organization report
on the structure of Labor's Non-Partisan League was given by its state
secretary, Herbert Resner, a party member. Wyndham Mortimer,
International Vice-President of the United Automobile Workers of
America, and a member of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party, and Louis Goldblatt, assistant C. I. 0. Regional Director, and
also a Communist, were given the floor and in detail outlined a policy
regarding Labor's Non-Partisan League which, needless to say, fully
represented the Communist Party position. Thus, for the first time in
California, the Communist Party, through its control of this and other
organizations, was in a position to exercise a predominant voice in a
general state election, and it became equally clear that in 1937 and
1938 the party in California transformed its traditional methods in
the form of political work in strict accordance with the new tactic of
the United Front promulgated by the Secretary of the Communist
International at the Seventh World Congress of that body held in the
Soviet Union. Statements made by William Z. Foster and Earl Browder
indicated that the Communist Party intended to further develop its
political activities so that it could play a decisive role in the political
affairs of the State.
The Communist Party achieved a greater success in the state election
of 1938 than it did in the Los Angeles municipal election in the pre-
ceding year. It had endorsed the successful candidates for Governor,
Lieutenant Governor and several members of both houses of the
Legislature. Even before the election, arrangements had been made
for the placement of Communists and fellow travelers in positions con-
trolled by political patronage, and while jobs were parceled out to
carefully selected people so that the liberals and progressives supported
by the party would replace conservatives, anti-Communists and neu-
trals in the key positions of government, there were far from enough
positions to go around. It was only natural that the most important
positions be filled with relatively conservative men who figured most
prominently in the open conduct of the campaign, but the Communists
were not interested in these posts; they concentrated on office staffs,
executive secretaries and, most vital of all, those departments of
24 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
government through which they could contact masses of people: the
Departments of Labor, Agriculture, Public Works, Social Welfare and
Relief.
William Z. Foster, the head of the Communist Party of the United
States, was quite aware of this patronage problem and he wrote in the
ideological publication of the National Committee of the Communist
Party, in 1939 :
"The distribution of appointive jobs — municipal, county, state
and federal — has always been a central foundation of the old
Party's mass mobilization system. Whole groups of voters are
clustered about each political job. Big machines are built on this
basis, and the two parties are constantly torn with struggles over
rich prizes.
"To overcome this evil, patronage practice will be a big but
necessary task in Democratic front political foundations. Ap-
pointive political jobs will continue for an indefinite time yet,
and the way to handle their distribution is for the Democratic
front party to take firm responsibility, and not the leave them to
the control of political overlords. ' ' 3
And, speaking of the role to be played by the Communist Party dur-
ing this period of its open activity, Foster concluded:
"* * * the whole matter of improving the system of political
mass organizations should be carefully studied and its lessons
applied diligently and with dispatch. In this task the Communist
Party, with its Marxian training, militant spirit and wide mass
following, bears a great responsibility. ' ' 4
Another prominent official of the Communist Party, Paul Cline, the
Los Angeles County Chairman, had also written some material for The
Communist in the edition for November, 1938, in which he corroborated
to a large extent the statements made under oath by Kena Vale, the
former member of the Political Commission. He said :
"Within the brief space of two months the federation was able
to secure the affiliation of over 400 organizations and groups with
an aggregate membership of nearly 300,000 people. Participating
* * * were the biggest Methodist churches in the city, Labor's
Non-Partisan League, the Federation for Political Unity, the Mo-
tion Picture Democratic Committee, scores of A. F. of L. and
C. I. O. unions, large numbers of women's groups, Negro groups,
and youth organizations. In composition, the federation [Federa-
tion for Political Unity], represented a true cross section of the
people of Los Angeles. Most significant was the fact that the high-
standing Methodist church leaders and conservative businessmen
s The Communist, February, 1939, page 138.
* "New Methods of Organization," The Communist, op. cit., p. 146.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 25
* * * were ready and able to find a common ground of action with
representatives of left-wing groups like the I. L. D. [International
Labor Defense] and the I. W. 0. [International Workers Order] .
"The Communist Party, as a vital element in the great Demo-
cratic front movement that is rapidly surging forward in Cali-
fornia, will continue unreservedly to devote itself to this end. ' ' 5
William Schneiderman, during the campaigns in 1937 and 1938, and
for a number of years both before and after these events, was the head
of the Communist Party for the State of California. Writing with con-
siderable authority, he also corroborated the statements made by Miss
Vale when he wrote:
" * * * the organization of the Democratic front for victory in
the elections is not an easy and simple task, due to the extremely
complicated political situation and the many factors which will
stand in the way of the unification of the Democratic forces. We
Communists are keenly aware of the responsibilities we bear to
bring about this unity. We have become an important factor and
a recognized force in the labor and progressive movement, the
progressive forces are beginning to appreciate and understand
the role we are playing in the building of the Democratic front."
And writing about the 1938 campaign, he said:
"* * * Today this movement is gathering around its support
for Senator Olson, the leading progressive for the Democratic
nomination for Governor in the August primary. * * * The
Non-Partisan League has conducted an energetic campaign for
political unity of labor."6
After the primaries Schneiderman said:
"The Communist Party in California is participating in the
election campaign with the aim of contributing its part for the
unification of all democratic forces for the defeat of reaction.
* * * The Party is becoming a recognized force for unity in the
labor and progressive movement, and as such is receiving even
greater support of progressive-minded people who appreciate the
role of Communists in helping to build the Democratic front. We
are conscious of our task; that out of this election struggle must
come, not only a progressive victory, but a stronger, mass Com-
munist Party capable of fulfilling still greater responsibilities in
the struggles to come." (Committee's italics.)7
B The Communist, November, 1938, pp. 1021-1027.
8 The Communist, July, 1938, pp. 663, 664.
7 The Election Struggle in California," by William Schneiderman. The Communist,
October, 1938, pages 919 and 926.
26 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Governor Olson was not a Communist, but he was a sincere and
dedicated liberal in the true sense of the term. Shortly after he had
assumed office he declared:
"We are determined to oppose equally the despotism of Com-
munism and the menace of Fascism.8
Being naive in matters subversive, it was therefore relatively
simple to surround Governor Olson and a great many of his more
important assistants with Communist Party secretaries and clerical
workers. For example, shortly after the new Governor assumed his
duties letters began to come out of his office over the signature of a
woman who had formerly served on the Political Commission of the
Communist Party of Los Angeles County, and who was now a trusted
clerical worker in the Governor's Office.9
We now know something of the political techniques used by the
Communists in California in two extremely important elections, one
municipal the other statewide, and when the new administration took
over its Governor was surrounded by party members. The State Relief
Administration was heavily infiltrated during the Merriam regime;
now it was saturated. John Jeffery, a Communist, headed a union
known as the State, County and Municipal Workers of America, so
utterly dominated by the party that it was more an integral part of
the organization than one of its fronts. All Communists employed by
the state were members of the SCMWA which rapidly grew into a
powerful and arrogant pressure group. All of the key relief adminis-
trators were Communists; so were most of the case workers and other
office employees. This afforded them contact with thousands of relief
applicants who were herded into another union, the Workers Alliance,
headed by Communist Alexander Noral. Here again the Communists
exhibited their unfailing determination to undermine all outsiders and
to help one another. Not only did they promote themselves, but so
long as the relief recipients stayed in the Workers Alliance, dutifully
attended its meetings and paid rapt attention to the speakers imported
by the party, there was no trouble with their relief status. Their griev-
ances were promptly taken up by Workers Alliance committees that
conferred with their comrades in the SCMWA, and always to the satis-
faction of the complainant. This, of course, was not too difficult because
the Communist Party was operating both unions.
As their numbers grew, as they placed their members in more and
more key positions, these young Communists became more brash. At
first they were merely impertinent; now they were overbearing. Some
members of the Workers Alliance got more than enough of being regi-
mented into this union and made to listen while Communist organizers
harangued them, under penalty of being deprived of the common
necessities of life. In rural communities throughout the state, citizens
resented this sudden invasion by groups of radical state relief admin-
istrators and began to take a hard look at this social phenomenon
* Olson's New Deal for California, op. cit., p. 24.
9 1943 report, Un-American Activities in California, affidavit of Rena M. Vale, p. 157.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 27
masquerading under the guise of "liberalism." They found Commu-
nist papers and Communist propaganda freely and abundantly dis-
tributed in the relief offices, and immediately complained to their rep-
resentatives in Sacramento. So indignant were the citizens, and so
insistent were the demands that this ridiculous mess be cleared up,
that an Assembly committee was appointed for that purpose. It inves-
tigated the situation in the State Relief Administration, reported that
it was being operated by Communists, exposed the real nature of the
Workers Alliance and the SCMWA, and handed its written report to
the Assembly at the 1941 general session of the Legislature. Armed
with the reliable facts concerning the situation, the Legislature acted.
Communists were fired from the State Relief Administration, and the
situation was alleviated. But the undercover party members still clung
to the administration like barnacles, as stenographers, as secretaries,
as office workers, and a very few in extremely important and sensitive
positions. Particularly in the Departments of Labor, Employment, So-
cial "Welfare and similar agencies that were of strategic importance
to the party, a concentration of Communists was found. For example,
Dorothy Healey was employed by the Department of Labor in an
important position that brought her into constant contact with masses
of potential recruits to Communism. She is now the Chairman of the
Communist Party of Los Angeles County ; and there were others whose
names have been mentioned through many of the reports previously
issued by this committee.
Independent Progressive Party
Almost simultaneously with the beginning of American Communism,
that young and lusty movement sought to infiltrate and take over the
National Farmer-Labor Party. In 1922, there was a Conference for
Progressive Political Action (the term which was to be borrowed by
the Communist Party in Los Angeles some 14 years later) at Cleveland
and from it the Farmer-Labor Party drew renewed vigor — enough
to once more attract Communist attention. Accordingly, the Commu-
nists sent representatives to the Farmer-Labor Chicago convention in
1923, packing the hall with delegates from more than a dozen of its
fronts all posing as separate and independent organizations. Having
thus resorted to the device of packing the convention, the Communist
minority easily seized control of a far larger non-Communist political
party. An observer, Robert Morss Lovett, declared that as invited
guests the Communists "came into the house and carried off the ice
cream. ' ' 10
Having obtained control, the Communists sought to swell the ranks
of the Farmer-Labor Party by widespread appeals for additional mem-
bers. But, instead of attracting workers, the Communists repelled them.
10 The Techniques of Communism, by Louis F. Budenz, Henry Regnery Co., Chicago,
1954. See also, American Communism, a Critical Analysis of Its Origins, Develop-
ment and Programs, by James O'neal and G. A. Werner. E. P. Dutton & Co.,
Inc., 1947.
28 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
The underhanded devices of the bold hypocrisy, the utter ruthlessness
and the complete disregard for truth or ethics or the welfare of others
were hardly characteristics that could attract non- Communist member-
ship. Soon the ranks were depleted and only the Communists and those
who were under party control remained. So the first attempt to
operate through a third party failed.
In 1947 a group of liberals decided to back Henry A. Wallace for
President of the United States, and around this movement there de-
veloped a third independent political party, the Independent Progres-
sive Party. Immediately the Communists saw an opportunity once
more to use this ultra progressive movement for their own ulterior
motives. Relying on the approved techniques for Communists in such
matters, and profiting by experience, delegates from a wide array of
front organizations were sent to actively participate in conventions and
meetings throughout the country, but particularly in New York and in
California.
When John L. Lewis started the C. I. 0. and ran short of organizers
the Communists provided them in abundance, and before Mr. Lewis
found out what was really going on he had been eased out of his own
organization and the Communists were in control. So it had been with
the Farmer-Labor Party in 1923 ; so it had been with the California
elections in 1937 and 1938, and so it was with the Independent Progres-
sive Party in 1947 and 1948.
The Communist apparatus provided scores of eager and energetic
precinct workers and propagandists. Their members staffed the offices
of the I. P. P. all over the country. They provided the petition circu-
lators, and the Communist press lambasted the other two major parties
and sang the praises of the Independent Progressives throughout the
campaign.
On July 7, 1947, the Daily People's World, the California Commu-
nist newspaper, announced that a Democrats for Wallace meeting would
be held in Fresno on July 19th. In the issue for May 28, 1948, the
Communist paper printed a list of Independent Progressive Party en-
dorsements for Northern and Central California districts, accompany-
ing the roster with the following statement:
"Neither Henry Wallace nor presidential electors for him will
appear on the ballot at the primary. He is to be nominated by a
state convention of the Independent Progressive Party in August,
for the ballot in the November general election."
And in the issue for June 3, 1948, an editorial in the Communist
paper declared :
"The June 1, primary was the opening round of the critical
election struggle of 1948. It was not yet, however, a decisive test of
the relation of forces in California or the Nation. It could at best
give only the first indications of the political strength of the pro-
gressive forces and the Democratic coalition, expressed through
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 29
candidates supported by the new Independent Progressive Party,
barely two months old.
The light vote was due primarily to absence of a contest in the
presidential primary. Truman and Warren were unopposed in the
Democratic and Kepublican primaries, and Henry Wallace was
not entered on the primary ballot (his nomination to be made by
a state convention in August). Thus, in a year when voters look
upon the presidential race as all-decisive, the lack of a contest in
the primaries resulted in a light vote."
<<# t • tke eiections have projected the new Party as a major
force on the political scene in California. It is necessary to note,
however, a number of weaknesses exhibited by Progressive forces
in the election, which if overcome in time could have resulted in
a more impressive result :
The split in the labor movement, caused by the A. F. L. leader-
ship and right-wing leaders in the C. I. 0., prevented the labor
movement from playing a decisive role in this election. The split
in the C. I. 0. prevented the Political Action Committee from
playing the major role it did in the past, although progressive
C. I. 0. unions made an important contribution to the support of
progressive pro-Wallace candidates.
The pro- Wallace candidates who won the primaries did so on a
basis of a broad coalition of labor and progressive forces in both
the Democratic Party and the new Party. In the majority of cases,
however, pro-Wallace candidates did not have such a broad coali-
tion supporting them, and depended mainly on left-progressive
forces in the campaign.
The progressive trade unions did not mobilize full support
behind progressive candidates, showed some vacillations as a result
of right-wing pressure, and in some cases gave only half-hearted
support to progressive candidates.
Some pro-Wallace candidates, or their campaign committees,
thought it 'smart politics' to tone down their identifications with
the Wallace forces, and in some cases were very weak in present-
ing the important issues in the fight for peace, labor's rights, and
civil liberties.
All these questions deserve a fuller and more detailed analysis
later, when the results in full are studied.
The main thing is that the new party movement has gotten
off to a good start. The next step is to prepare for the presidential
election struggle and to build a mass movement of support behind
the Wallace platform and ticket, and elect the Progressive candi-
dates for Congress and the Legislature that have come through
the primaries."
Some of the I. P. P. candidates for election to state and national
positions were known party members, some were fellow-travelers, others
were opportunists and a few were apparently too naive to realize that
30 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
the Independent Progressive Party in California was nothing more nor
less than a creature under Communist domination. The chairman of
the Independent Progressive Party in California was Hugh Bryson,
then President of the Marine Cooks and Stewards Union, which had
been expelled from the C. I. 0. because it was found to be Communist
dominated, and who was later convicted and sent to a federal peni-
tentiary for having lied about his Communist affiliations and activities.
Over and over again the committee has received indisputable evi-
dence of the active Communist participation in the Independent Pro-
gressive Party in this state; another example of how a small, dis-
ciplined, highly trained and dedicated Communist minority can
penetrate, manipulate and assume control of a much larger non-Com-
munist body. Certainly the overwhelming majority of individuals
throughout the country, and most assuredly in California, who voted
for the Independent Progressive Party candidates, were themselves
sincere liberals who were dissatisfied with the two major parties for one
reason or another, and, as we have seen, a majority of those who par-
ticipated in the Los Angeles municipal election of 1937 and the state-
wide election of 1938, were not Communists but most decidedly were,
consciously or unconsciously, following the Communist Party line and
toiling in the Communist vineyard. An analysis of the techniques used
by the party during these campaigns reveals much. It discloses a com-
mon political denominator that runs through all of the party 's strategy
in infiltrating and controlling operations of this type. It should be
quite manifest that only by a familiarity with the successful techniques
employed by the Communists in the past can we be adequately pre-
pared to prevent them from succeeding in the future.
Let us now turn to 1958 and 1959 and see, if we can, what lies ahead
so far as Communist political activity is concerned. Obviously, the best
source is the Communist Party itself, and we are fortunate in having
available some of the reliable party statements issued within the last
few months that cast considerable light on its future policies.
Current Communist Political Activity in California
We have previously pointed out that only the incredibly naive and
misinformed can possibly believe that after the death of Stalin, the
accession of Khrushchev and the era of underground activity, that the
Communist Party has suddenly become insignificant and no longer
poses any threat to our way of life. The following quotations from the
monthly ideological publication of the National Committee of the Com-
munist Party of the United States should remove all doubt, even in
the minds of the most skeptical, concerning the party's future political
plans. In May, 1958, party member Albert J. Lima, Chairman of the
Northern District of the Communist Party of California, and a member
of its national committee, wrote :
"The strength of labor and the minority (Democratic) confer-
ence, as well as the strong progressive trend among the club dele-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 31
gates, made itself felt in issues and candidates. The attempt of the
machine to steamroller support for the team of Attorney General
Brown for Governor and Congressman Clair Engle for U. S. Sena-
tor, ran into stiff opposition. Brown had overwhelming support
from all groupings, mainly because he was considered to be the
most substantial candidate with a possibility of beating the Repub-
licans. ' '
a* # # jn another memo by Nemmy Sparks, the Southern Cali-
fornia District dealt with the problem in the following manner :
'Are the Republican and Democratic Parties twin parties of
Capitalism? Of course they are.
The state co-ordinating committee, representing both dis-
tricts of the Party, considered the approach to individual
candidates along the following lines : We stated that the main
interest of labor and the people as a whole in this election lies
in the struggle on issues; in the effort to develop a coalition
among the forces of the people that will last and continue to
grow after the election; and to defeat the major standard
bearers of reaction.
It was proposed that any independent candidacy should be
considered in relation to the above point. An independent
candidacy with a base among the general Left, it was felt,
could exercise considerable influence on the issues in public
debate and counteract the pressures upon candidates to water
down issues and to make concessions to reactionary opponents.
The alternative to the above could be a Party candidate whose
campaign would be much more limited, but who could present
the Party 's position on the issues of the election. Because of the
ballot restrictions in California this might have to be in the
form of a write-in candidate for the finals.
The above policy tends to be caught between extreme view-
points. On one hand some say only candidates should be sup-
ported who can get the broadest kind of support. From this
source, Left-independent candidates are strongly opposed un-
less they have substantial labor and liberal support. In the
present uncertain political atmosphere and lack of organiza-
tional forms, candidates who could run independently and
have support in labor and liberal circles are very reluctant
to be candidates. The Left, therefore, tends to find itself con-
fined to pressuring major party candidates on issues as the
only form of electoral activity. '
<<# * * rpne 1958 elections can result in a resounding rebuff to
the Republicans and their plans for the 1960 election. It can also
be the arena in which the Left begins to solve some of its prob-
lems. ' ' n
Political Affairs, May, 1958, pp. 29-39.
32 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Kobert Thompson, national Communist functionary declared:
<<* # # jn a number of important unions, and in some area
union conferences, party forces as a part of a growing Left have
been able to play a tangible and constructive part in the shaping
of union programs and activities on the unemployment issues.
Another such area has been Party activities in the fight against
anti-labor, so-called ' right-to-work ' legislation, particularly in Cali-
fornia and Ohio.
* * * There are clear indications that both Labor and the
Negro people's forces are participating more actively and more
independently than has been true in recent years.
Labor's participation in the California primary campaign was
an outstanding example of this.
* * * Our Party is becoming more active in all of these situa-
tions. The presentation of a Party legislative program has been
helpful in this. Of greatest importance is the fact its electoral
policy is taking clear shape nationally and in various states.
Three propositions form the broad framework within which
this policy is developed. These were stated by Arnold Johnson in
his article on the 1958 elections in the June Political Affairs:
1 (a) To do everything possible to influence the elections in
the interests of the people.
(b) To promote even greater independence of labor and its
allies and a broad people's coalition policy based on the workers,
and the Negro people, farmers, and all other democratic forces.
(c) To bring forward the Party and its program, strengthen
its influence and build it in the course of the campaign.' " 12
Albert J. Lima, in his capacity as Northern District Chairman of
the Communist Party of California, had this to say about party par-
ticipation in California politics in September, 1958 :
"Of course the trade union leadership has always been part
and parcel of politics, but eventually the needs and demands of
the class transcend the tenuous political ties of the leadership with
corrupt bourgeoise politics.
Our Party had agitated during this entire period [1937-1950]
for a farmer-labor party and many unions adopted resolutions in
support of this demand. Nationally, Labor's Non-Partisan League
conducted vigorous campaigns on issues and candidates. Certainly
the stage was set for the U. S. labor movement to follow the path
established by labor of the countries in Europe — the forming of
their own political party.
However, the outbreak of World War II, and the flexibility
of the two-party system, plus some peculiar electoral methods
which retard the development of third political parties in our
Country, combined to head off this development.
"On the Work and Consolidation of the Party," by Bob Thompson. Political Affairs,
August, 1958. pp. 37-52.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 33
The next period in which the possibility of breaking with the
political control of the monopolists emerged was 1947-1948. Once
again there were many factors present which indicated the pos-
sibility of such a development. * * * The need was present, but
the willingness and determination of decisive sections of the labor
movement was not. The move toward a third party was premature
and abortive and the two-party system was more secure than ever,
because of the split in the labor movement and the expulsion of
the progressive * unions from the C. I. 0. From that point the
decisive influence of the C. I. 0. on the political and economical
life of our Country began to wane.
Thus, we have examined the question twice before at 10-year
intervals and it is being posed again. (Committee's emphasis.)
There is a definite trend which indicates the possibility of win-
ning important sections of the labor movement to organize and
act independently of the two major parties. For example, in Cali-
fornia the labor movement is not relying on the Democratic and
Republican Parties to guarantee the struggle against the right-
to-work threat. It has plunged into independent political action
in a major way and in a more aggressive manner than for many
years. ' '
* * * for us, and for the entire Left, it is necessary to try to
determine the potential and eventual outcome in order to map out
strategy and tactics.
In other countries, where labor has formed an independent
political party welfare issues are adopted as national laws. In our
Country, the labor movement has pressed for 'fringe benefits'
which embody many elements adopted as national laws in other
countries. This has been particularly true in recent years and has
been a further expression of the U. S. workers attempt to take up
the slack of the lack of a political party of its own.
The International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union
on the West Coast has been discussing this question and formally
adopted a general program for an independent political grouping.
Their role in the right-to-work fight in California has been a posi-
tive contribution to the entire labor movement, while maintaining
a sharp and critical attitude for the slowness of the top leadership
of the A. F. of L. in California." 13
It should be carefully noted that the line italicized for emphasis by
the committee, "Thus, we have examined the question twice before at
10-year intervals and it is being posed again," constitutes a complete
verification of the fact that in 1938, when the Communist Party of
California played a decisive role in our state election and in 1948
when it endeavored to launch a party of its own, both movements
• The CIO called them Communist-dominated.
18 "On Labor and Political Action," by Albert J. Lima, Northern District Chairman
of the Communist Party of Ca ifornla. Political Affairs, September, 1958. p. 58,
et seq.
2— L-4361
34 UN-AMEEICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
originated and were dominated by the Communist Party of this state
And not only does this verification come from an authority of unques
tionable accuracy, but Mr. Lima also predicts that the time is now
ripe, in 1958, for the California Communists to again engage in all-out
political activity. Let us see why 1958 was selected as an appropriate
time for this sort of action.
In 1938 several mass organizations were used separately at first, and
then welded together into a potent political machine. The separate
organizations were the United Organizations for Progressive Political
Action, Youth for Political Action, and the California People's Legis-
lative Conference. The organization into which they were amalgamated
was Labor's Non-Partisan League.
In 1948, the impetus behind the Independent Progressive Party in
California came largely from the Communist-dominated unions such
as the United Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, the International Long-
shoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, and the Marine Cooks and
Stewards Union, as well as such potent fronts as the Civil Rights
Congress and the Arts, Sciences and Professions Council. In addition
there was the customary camp -following group of assorted leftists rang-
ing all the way from genuine fellow travelers to naive do-gooders.
The Independent Progressive Party started with considerable furor
but quickly lost its momentum. It had been suspect from the start.
Hugh Bryson's record of Communist activity as president of the
Marine Cooks and Stewards had already been made public by this
committee.14 When he was selected as statewide president of the newly-
launched party, many of the California newspapers quoted from our
report and there was very little excuse for anyone to plead a lack of
knowledge concerning the subversive leadership of the IPP. Further-
more the organization immediately adopted the current Communist
Party line and devoted about as much time to jamming through party
resolutions disseminating party propaganda as it did to purely political
matters. Another serious error made by the IPP was the contest of
its own candidates against such liberal Democrats as Helen Gahagan
Douglas and Chester Holifield, both of whom refused to co-operate with
the new political party and scrupulously ignored it throughout the
campaign. This mistake was recognized by the party strategists in
October of 1948, but it was then too late to remove the names from
the ballots and the belated withdrawal of the IPP candidates from
all positions where liberal Democrats were running on the Demo-
crat ticket simply made matters worse by focusing attention on an
already bad situation.15
Strategic Errors Rectified
The major blunders committed by the Communist Party strategists
in 1938 and 1948, are now quite evident. In the first campaign there
was very little effort to conceal the fact that the Communist Party
"See 1947 report, pp. 194, 151, 160, 163-166.
M The Politics of California, by David Farrelly and Ivan Hinderaker. Ronald Press
Co., N. Y., 1961, p. 100.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 35
iras masterminding a great deal of the political maneuvers and after
he campaign was over the impertinence of the young party members
pho were staffing the State Relief Administration and some of the
ilder and highly indoctrinated Communists who held other state posi-
tions, became so offensive that the California voters were aroused and
;wept the subversive elements out of state employment. In the second
election the Independent Progressive Party permitted itself to be in-
filtrated and captured by the Communists, led by a well-known Com-
munist, and once again demonstrated the same weakness by using the
novement as a vehicle of dissemination for Communist propaganda
rather than operating it as a purely political organization.
In the 1958 election there was no separate autonomous organization,
t being clear that the Communists could not support Knowland, who
)bviously stood little chance of winning from the outset; there was
10 third party for them to use, and there was no amalgamation of
'riendly organizations through which party strategy could be directed,
rherefore, there was only one alternative and that was to throw party
support to candidates who stood greatest chance of getting elected and
striving to subtly infiltrate the new administration with undercover
party members.
Most important of all, however, was the profound change in the
Communist Party line that occurred in 1956, that signaled the com-
mencement of the second United Front period throughout the world,
ind which served as a guide for the strategy of the Communists in
:his state during the 1958 campaign. We mentioned this change in
)ur last report, but not in any political connection. Let us now see
what practical effect it has had upon our political situation.
The Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
was held in Moscow during February, 1956. The open meeting was
held early in that month, and a few days later a "secret" meeting
was held and attended by hand-picked delegates who assembled to
lear confidential remarks by Nikita Khrushchev. The secret was
well kept until it burst like a bombshell from the American State
Department into the pages of the American press. Even the Daily
Worker of New York was obligated to carry the story, and since it
purported to be a verbatim account of what transpired at this ' ' secret ' '
sonclave, and was later authenticated by the Kremlin, we can be
quite certain of its accuracy.
It was natural that the most sensational content of this second speech
should be played up in the American newspapers, and this consisted
3f the castigation of the late Joseph Stalin, a condemnation of his ruth-
less practices, a repudiation of the purge trials that swept the Soviet
Union in a blood bath from 1935 to 1939, downgrading of the Soviet
Secret Police system, and assurances to the Russian people that they
would henceforth have more freedom. The writers in the Soviet Union
were assured that they would be able to express their thoughts
without being censored or repressed by the Soviet hierarchy; Com-
munist Parties abroad were told to pursue their separate ways to
36 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
eventual attainment of the Communist utopia in their own manner,
and in conformity with the environment in which they operated; citi
zens were also invited to express their criticisms of the existing regime
— all of these things being the ingredients of a newer and freer way
of life for the Communist peoples of the world.
The first book that appeared after this pronouncement was one by the
Russian author, Dudintsev called "Not by Bread Alone." It rocked
the Soviet Union from one end to the other, and immediately the
censorship of the Stalin era was again clamped down hard. Then in
Yugoslavia Milovan Djilas wrote a book called, "The New Class," and
he was immediately clapped into prison for daring to criticize the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia. And in China Mao-Tse Tung duti-
fully followed the dictates of the Kremlin by announcing that in
every field of flowers at least a hundred should rise and express their
criticisms of the Chinese Communist regime. That regime was almost
smothered beneath an avalanche of posies, which resulted in the blos-
soms being neatly severed from their stems by the sweeping sickles of
the Chinese Communist political police. Poland and Hungary took
Khrushchev at his word and started on their separate ways toward the
Communist goal by enthusiastically taking measures to get the Rus-
sian agents out of their countries. We now know what happened;
Anastas Mikoyan promising that everything would be settled by ne-
gotiation, lulling the counter-revolutionists into a false sense of security
by his solemn assurances, thus gaining time to marshal the tanks
and other armor and Soviet troops for the purpose of slaughtering so
many of the civilians that the revolution was wiped out in another
bath of blood.
But there was something else, an even more important content in
the Khrushchev speech that has not received much attention in the
press of our country, but which has exerted a profound effect on Com-
munist strategy throughout the world, and particularly in the United
States. We have seen the result in California in unmistakable terms,
and it will assuredly determine the strategy of the party in endeavor-
ing to move into our political situation during the next few years.
Khrushchev also said that henceforth it would be proper and desir-
able for foreign Communist Parties to make common cause with other
mass liberal organizations. This meant the launching of the second
United Front, and permitted the Communists to collaborate with the
Socialists, the Trotzkyites, and a whole array of ultra-liberal organi-
zations. No longer would they operate through the intricate apparatus
of Communist front organizations, because this was no longer necessary.
Front organizations were being exposed to public view for exactly
what they were as fast as the party could create them. They were in-
filtrated by government agents, their rosters of members and their
mailing lists were obtained, their party line activities were analyzed,
and they were so mercilessly brought under the glaring light of public
scrutiny that they soon ran short of members. The only people they
could recruit were people who already had long records of Communist
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 37
collaboration, and they were so few in number that the front organi-
zations began to wither away from lack of financial and popular
support. The same thing, to a large degree, was true of the Communist-
dominated unions. From 1948 through 1950, the A. F. of L. and the
C. I. 0., particularly the latter, conducted sweeping investigations that
resulted in the expulsion of a number of these old Communist saturated
unions and they, too, were exposed to public view so thoroughly that
the party deemed it inexpedient to use them for political purposes on
a wide front in this state.
Now it would be possible for the Communists to make common cause
with the other organizations that have been heretofore mentioned, and
they immediately proceeded to do so, commencing during the latter
part of 1956, and continuing on an accelerated scale until the present
time. In the 1957 report we pointed out that within a matter of weeks
after Khrushchev's speech the California Communist Party was obeying
this change in the party line by permitting its officers to meet with
representatives of the Socialist Party, the Young Socialist League, and,
what was far more astounding, with members of the Trotzkyite move-
ment.
Those who read our report of subversive infiltration at U. C. L. A.,
will recall that in connection with the death of a student, Sheldon
Abrams, we found among his papers abundant proof that such meetings
were indeed being held in 1956; and moreover, that they were the
first in the United States to implement Khrushchev's directive for the
opening of the second United Front.
The testimony of Dr. Robert Neumann, of the U. C. L. A. Depart-
ment of Political Science, was of great value in making clear what the
United Front strategy was and how it was devised at the Seventh
World Congress of the Communist International in 1935. It was this
United Front tactic of working through other liberal groups and
through a confusing complexity of front organizations with appealing
names and carefully concealed Communist control that made possible
the amazing success of the Communists in this country in their wide-
spread penetration of our American institutions immediately thereafter.
Labor unions, universities, the entertainment fields, the creative arts,
and governmental agencies were the main targets — including of course
the invasion of our state government in 1938 by the enthusiastic use of
this United Front technique.
But such successes proved too heady a wine; the party became too
defiant, too overbearing. The people reacted, the Legislature appointed
a committee to find out what was going on and report the facts, and
there then began an era of exposing the extent of the infiltration, a
description of the front groups and the people who operated them
from concealed positions — and, in direct proportion to the degree of
exposure, the potency of the California Communist Party began to
decline. It became extremely difficult to attract liberals to front organ-
izations that had been thoroughly revealed as under Communist control.
And so it was with the motion picture industry, the universities, the
38 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
trade unions, the public utilities and the various departments of the
state government. Once the people thoroughly understood the nature
and imminent menace posed by the operations of the Communist Party
they reacted as might be expected of loyal and patriotic citizens and
began to cleanse themselves of the undercover Communists who had
managed to worm their ways into strategic positions by the tactic of
the United Front.
The public utilities, instead of having only special agents who policed
the institutions, thereupon began to employ men with F. B. I. or mili-J
tary and naval intelligence experience to help them get rid of the Com- 1
munists already in their employ and lock the doors against continued!
infiltration. The universities began to co-operate in the same direction,!
as did the school systems, the trade unions and the entertainment fields. f
The Federal Bureau of Investigation then began gathering the evidence
from its undercover agents and launched a series of prosecutions under
the Smith Act that deprived the party of its leadership, and the!
Supreme Court consistently upheld the rights and prerogatives of
legislatures in keeping themselves actively informed concerning sub-|
versive threats to state governments, upheld the convictions that were:
obtained by the Federal Bureau of Investigation under the Smith Act, j
and upheld convictions of contempt against defiant party members
who adopted a practice of invariably invoking the Fifth Amendment
when questioned about their subversive activities and affiliations and
using the forums of the legislative committees and the courtrooms as!
media for the dissemination of violent Marxist propaganda.
Driven to underground positions and compelled to break the physical
organization of the party into tiny units of three to five members ; its I
means of communication and propaganda disrupted by reason of the
long continued exposure and conviction of leaders, the Communist
Party was becoming desperate. It then declared war on the Supreme
Court of the United States in 1952, and devoted virtually all of its
attention to the liquidation of legislative investigative committees and
bringing about a reversal of the Supreme Court decisions that had
enabled the committees and the government to operate so successfully
in hamstringing the activities of the Communist conspiracy throughout
the country. Then came the launching of the second United Front as a
result of the Khrushchev speech at the Twentieth Congress of the Com-
munist Party of the Soviet Union in February, 1956, and, as we have
seen from its own documents, the party began to resume its old arro-
gant attitude, to emerge from concealment and participate in a political
campaign in 1957 and 1958 in California. We shall see a little later
how the party claimed the credit for bringing about a change in the
decisions of the United States Supreme Court dealing with subversive
matters, and how it created a new national front organization for the
purpose of bringing about the liquidation of legislative committees and
hampering the activities of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and
other governmental intelligence agencies engaged in counter-subversive
work.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 39
This, then, was the background against which the party resumed
its political activities in California in 1957 and 1958. We have already
pointed out, and emphasize again, that the Communist Party expressed
itself as completely dissatisfied with both of the major political parties,
although it had infiltrated both to some extent. During the 1958 election
it had no choice but to repudiate the conservative Knowland and en-
deavor to insinuate some of its older adherents into the administration
of Governor Brown. The new Governor had made it abundantly clear
that he wanted no cooperation from the Communist Party in California,
or any other place, and he repudiated their support and was unalter-
ably opposed to Communism. The Democratic Governor who preceded
him 10 years earlier had also made clear his anti-Communist attitude
when he declared : ' ' We are determined to oppose equally the despotism
of Communism and the menace of Fascism."16
One of the candidates for election to the office of State Superintend-
ent of Public Instruction during the 1958 campaign was Holland Rob-
erts, frequently but erroneously referred to as Dr. Holland Roberts.
On March 6, 1958, this item concerning his candidacy appeared in the
San Francisco Call-Bulletin:
"Ex-Labor School Head May Seek Office.
San Jose, Mar. 6, (AP). Dr. Holland Roberts, whose Cali-
fornia Labor School was called 'an instrument of the Communist
Party' by a government board, may run for State Superintendent
of Public Instruction.
He took out nomination papers yesterday and has until March
28 to file petitions.
The Subversive Activities Control Board, set up under the
McCarran Act of 1950, made the report concerning this school
after a hearing in January, 1957. Dr. Roberts was director of the
now defunct school.
He said last May that the school was closing because it lacked
funds to fight the board's ruling in the courts.
Roberts, in taking out nomination papers, said he lived in
Palo Alto and was an educator.
He had been an associate professor of Education at Stanford
University in 1944, when he resigned to join the Labor School in
San Francisco, becoming director in 1949.
Before a House Un-American Activities Committee, headed by
Representative Harold Velde, (R.-Ill.), Roberts denied in 1956 that
the school was subversive and that it had Communists and Com-
munist sympathizers on its faculty."
In passing, it may not seem inappropriate for us to point out some-
thing that the newspaper article overlooked. The committee investi-
gated the California Labor School, beginning in 1945, branded both it
and its director Communist and subversive, and referred to the school
in its reports for 1947, 1948, 1949, 1951, 1953 and 1955. We examined
18 "Olson's New Deal for California," op. cit., p. 24.
40 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Roberts under oath on several occasions, and he was identified as a Com- 1
munist Party member by several witnesses, including a former mem-
ber of the party who served as Mr. Roberts' secretary while he was
director of the school in San Francisco. He also served as chairman
of the American-Russian Institute in San Francisco, one of the few
potent Communist front organizations still operating on a nationwide
basis. Both the school and Dr. Roberts had been identified as sub-
versive and Communist since 1945, and the fact appeared with
monotonous regularity in the newspapers up and down the Pacific
Coast. Notwithstanding this fact, Mr. Roberts did run for State Super-
intendent of Public Instruction in 1958, and polled more than 400,000
votes. The Communist press and all of its propaganda machinery
worked feverishly in this campaign, and while even Roberts' most
energetic supporters expressed the belief that he would be unable to
prevail over the incumbent, nevertheless it is a demonstration of cur-
rent Communist vote-getting ability and capacity for hard work that
should not be overlooked or underestimated.
What, then, is the present situation concerning Communism in Cali-
fornia politics? It should now be quite clear that we can learn much,
and perhaps profit a good deal, by knowing something about the devices
and general strategy used by the party in the past. In 1938 and 1948
there were many Communist fronts that were used to great advantage
as entering wedges to force a way into the political field. Today there
are only a few and these were thoroughly exposed almost as soon as
they commenced business. But bear in mind that these fronts did not
disappear because of any desire by the party. On the contrary, they
were maintained as long as possible and often ran deep into the red.
They collapsed because of exposure for what they really were, exposure
by government agencies — certainly not because they were liquidated
by the Communists according to plan.
Now we are in the era of the second United Front and we have
secured ample evidence in California that the party has obediently
been making common cause with other liberal organizations since April
of 1956. It is also becoming more evident daily that the party is mobi-
lizing a large group of so-called "sleepers"; that is, party members who
have never been required to attend meetings, have never received any
written evidence of affiliation, and who are instructed to pose as con-
servatives or at least mild liberals in order to avoid detection. Once
they are called into service, however, they are useless to the party
unless they follow the party line and promote party interests. Any
such activity always makes them vulnerable to detection, exposure and
elimination from sensitive positions. The American Communists are
still striving diligently to form an independent and liberal political
body of their own, and we can conclude this section with no better
authorities than one from the leader of the Southern California Dis-
trict of the Communist Party of California and an official statement
by the National Committee of the Communist Party of the United
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 41
States. Dorothy R. Healey, heretofore mentioned as having once been
in the employ of the State Department of Labor, recently declared :
"Our district has attempted to provide leadership on some po-
litical fronts of immediate concern to the welfare of the people.
The H-bomb campaign, Little Rock and the South in general, the
struggle for Negro rights, the 1958 election (committee's empha-
sis) and the anti-labor drive in California were among the ques-
tions discussed at the district council, with a concrete program
proposed to the club for action." 17
The National Committee has informed us in unmistakable terms
that the radical element in American labor, comprising such Commu-
nist dominated unions as the United Mill and Smelter Workers; the
United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers; the American Com-
munications Association ; the International Longshoremen 's and Ware-
housemen's Union, and the Public Workers of America — plus all ultra-
liberal organizations — will be forged into one major and independent
political party by the Communists, if their present plans materialize.
Basically, it will be a "politically independent" labor force, with
broad liberal affiliation and support.18
Since no written evidence of membership in the Communist Party
has been used since December, 1947, since the party is extremely sen-
sitive to counter-infiltration and is therefore functioning largely under-
ground, since most of its front organizations have been forced out of
existence, the only practical method that can be employed to combat
Communist infiltration in politics and other fields of activities lies in
a thorough understanding of Communist practices, a familiarity with
the Communist Party line as it changes from time to time, and an
accurate knowledge of what undercover Communists may be expected
to do once they have managed to insinuate themselves into positions of
political authority. Armed with adequate knowledge of these matters,
it is possible to prevent the infiltration of sensitive political positions
which is a manifestly simpler thing to do than to handle the situation
once the infiltration has succeeded, as was most forcibly illustrated by
the administration of Governor Olson.
INFILTRATION OF EDUCATION
Infiltration of our educational institutions has always occupied a
high place on the Communist Party program. Originally the intent
was to use this reservoir of impressionable young students for recruit-
ing purposes. During World War II, and even to a larger degree
thereafter, infiltration of our educational institutions has been used
for another purpose because the government has allocated to many
of our larger colleges and universities enormous contracts for con-
ducting secret researches that are valuable to the defense of our nation.
17 "On the Status of the Tarty," by Dorothy R. Healy. Political Affairs, March, 1958,
p. 40.
18 "A Policy for American Labor," by the National Committee, Communist Party of
the United States. Political Affairs, Aug., 1958. p. 11.
42 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Consequently, it is desirable for the Communist Party to plant its
undercover members in strategic positions so that they can have an
overall picture of this highly sensitive research activity.
In order to get a proper perspective of present conditions in Cali-
fornia regarding the infiltration of our educational institutions, let i
us examine it against the background of the last national convention
of the Communist Party of the United States and the remarks made
by the nation's outstanding expert on Communism, J. Edgar Hoover,
regarding the convention and the program adopted by the party
thereafter. Mr. Hoover explained how carefully the program was
rigged to create the illusion that the American Communists would no
longer obey the Kremlin but would henceforth go it alone, something
like Tito; that party leaders were no longer trusted by the rank-and-
file membership; that the party was torn asunder by internal dis-
sention; that membership had dwindled so much that American
Communism should no longer be regarded as a grim and serious threat
but merely as a minor irritation.
Actually, this elaborate piece of misdirection was part and parcel
of what we have termed "operation lullaby." This 1957 national con-
vention of the party was rehearsed with all the meticulous attention to
assigning the actors their various roles, to setting the stage, to arranging
the lighting effects and the dramatic impressions that might have been
devoted to a stage production. Indeed that is what the convention was,
in accordance with Communist custom. Said Mr. Hoover:
"The skillful Communist propagandist, Mr. Simon W. Gerson,
sought to create several illusions in connection with the change in
Party leadership and organization which has given a completely
distorted and slanted view of what happened. To illustrate :
Prior to the convention rumors were planted that Foster and
Dennis were to be ousted. The convention did abolish all offices.
This was slanted to convey the impression that the convention
action was a slap at Stalinism. Actually, this strategy had been
carefully charted at a two-day preconvention meeting in New
York. The convention did create a new national committee of 60,
20 of whom were elected at the convention. In addition, an 11-
member administrative committee was chosen to direct the day-
to-day business of the Party until the National Committee could
designate a Secretariat. Of the 16 members of the old National
Committee not in prison, nine were elected among the 20 members-
at-large. Others may be elected by the districts to fill the 40
additional posts in the near future. Several of the Old Guard,
including Foster and Dennis, were elected to the Administrative
Committee.
The illusion was created that there was a break with the past
since Miss Charlene Alexander of Los Angeles, aged 26, and no
hardened Bolshevik, got the largest number of votes among the
20 members elected to the National Committee. This was the
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 43
Party's way of currying favor with the Negroes since seven of
the 20 elected were Negroes, including Miss Alexander. Actually,
the average age of the 20 elected was 45 years of age and their
average length of membership in the Communist Party was 22
years. Gerson led reporters to believe after the convention that
Gates had cemented his position and won out in his fight against
the cult of the individual. There were headlines such as 'U. S.
Reds Quit Foster, Kremlin,' and the press reported that the Party
'dumped' Foster and 'voted out of office' Eugene Dennis, who
had been replaced with 'collective leadership.' Actually, the Com-
munist Party had created a broad new national committee and a
Secretariat in line with the new Soviet line of 'collective leader-
ship. ' Foster, who had been criticized as having developed his own
'cult of the personality,' was now a part of a 'collective' commit
tee in Moscow style; in fact, this had already been decided prior
to the convention."
#######
"This was a convention made up essentially of functionaries.
In fact, one Party leader bemoaned the fact that few workers
were there. In the balloting on February 12, 1957, for the Na-
tional Committee only 13 votes were allotted to the entire Southern
region, with 136 out of the 292 ballots allotted to New York State,
33 to California, 24 to Illinois, 20 to New Jersey, and other states
and regions ranged from one to 12 ballots.
The fact is the Communists could not stand for the free press
to observe their proceedings because they cannot long survive the
truth. Norman Schrank, Executive Secretary of the New York
State Communist organization, launched a verbal assault on news
photographers and was observed to push a photographer aside
which is illustrative of their attitude.
The Communist Party's 1957 convention was designed to hood-
wing the public with a 'new look.' Its program is designed to
enable them to develop a militant assault, to accomplish their
' historic mission ' of wrecking and infiltrating this nation. ' ' 19
In July, 1955, Mr. Hoover had made a visit to California, and while
spending a portion of his vacation in La Jolla issued the following
statement :
"The Communist Party, U. S. A., today is concentrating tremen-
dous effort in the State of California. Roughly 15 percent of all
Communist Party members of the nation reside in California,
ranking this State second only to New York in Party membership.
10 Statement by J. Edgar Hoover, Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation, to the
Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and
other internal security laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States
Senate, Eighty-fifth Congress, First Session. "An Analysis of the 16th Annual Con-
vention of the Community Party of the United States," March 12, 1957, United
States Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 1957, pp. 9-10.
44 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
"The growing population, industry and strategic location of
California has made this state a prime Communist target for years,
and that is why the party is operating a highly efficient under-
ground apparatus in California, as well as trying to increase above-
ground operations. ' ' 20
As California's population has continued to increase, so have the
activities of the Communist Party in this state, one of the most im-
portant of those activities being the infiltration of our educational in-
stitutions and our trade union organizations. In previous reports we
have described in detail the extent to which the party has managed to
send its members into the educational institutions, both at the univer-
sity level, in the high schools and, to some extent, in the grammar
schools. In tracing the history of this infiltration we have shown that
it reached its peak during the period from 1939 to 1944, and since
1944 has been steadily declining, although .it is still a most serious
problem.
Several years ago this committee established a co-operative plan with
the administrative heads of most of the universities and colleges in the
state and this plan is still in operation. It affords a system whereby
representatives of the committee and representatives of the various col-
leges and universities can exchange information concerning problems;
and it does not, and it never did, entail the maintenance of any organ-
ization of undercover investigators on any university campus or the
employment of students as informers. Its purpose is simply to provide
as much reliable and expert assistance as possible in aiding the various
university administrators to devise practical means of preventing the
infiltration of their several institutions by subversive agents. The com-
mittee can conceive of no legitimate objection to this sort of co-opera-
tive enterprise by anyone except the most ardent type of party mem-
ber or fellow traveler.
Such a vociferous clamor was raised by the Communist Party and its
subservient organizations shortly after this co-operative plan got under
way, and such a determined effort was made to wreck it by sensational
and widely-publicized accusations, that the committee was thereby
afforded ample evidence that the system was eminently successful in
disrupting the party's infiltration of our schools.
Confusion on fhe Campus
One reason that the academic world has not taken the problem of
Communist infiltration more seriously may lie in the fact that far too
many educators even yet fail to realize that Fascism does not change
its character simply because it flourishes as a Soviet-directed conspiracy
to conquer the world instead of being directed by Adolf Hitler. We
once examined a Communist theoretician and asked him if he was in
favor of Fascism. This, of course, drew an angry denial. He was then
asked to define Fascism and did so with great feeling and precision.
80 Los Angeles Times, July 31, 1955.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 45
He declared that Hitler's Nazi regime was an excellent example of a
Fascist government ; so was Mussolini 's Black Shirt regime in Italy.
Pressed for details, this witness explained how under Fascist rule the
will of the dictator is imposed on the people by force ; how he controls
all the machinery of government — transportation, communication, edu-
cation, the military — and enforces his will by unleashing waves of
secret police terror. This witness had unwittingly described the Fascist
character of the Soviet regime with its one-party system controlled by
an absolute dictator who also enforces his will through a secret police,
controls the entire machinery of government, and sweeps his colleagues
out of office whenever the mood strikes him. An example of this oc-
curred in the Soviet Union recently when Malenkov, Kaganovich,
Molotov and Shepilov were summarily removed from office by Khru-
shchev and swept into relative oblivion as traitors to the Communist
Party, which is the only party in the Soviet Union and which actually
wields the power through its Presidium which, in turn, is the creature
of Khrushchev.
The inhuman tortures inflicted by the Soviet Secret Police are far
more horrible than any ever employed by the Nazis ; they covered a
much longer period and affected more people by many millions. Those
who have read Mr. David Dallin's authoritative studies of slave labor
in the U. S. S. R., will know that the Nazi and Italian Fascists com-
bined never even approached this massive forced labor program where
human slaves were used like animals.
Dr. Mark Graubard, Associate Professor of Natural Science at the
University of Minnesota, commented pointedly on this peculiar political
astigmatism on the part of many intellectual leaders in the United
States in an editorial which is worth quoting in this connection :
"Whatever happened to the American sense of proportion, not
to mention the American conscience? At a time when millions of
people in Europe and Asia live under a Communist terror, denied
the elemental freedoms of action and thought which we take for
granted, leading writers and intellectuals in the free United States
spread abroad the falsehood that oppression and book-burning pre-
vail in the United States, that terror stalks our universities, school
boards, libraries, and even haunts the average citizen.
What a contrast to the situation in the U. S. A., when another
totalitarian tyrant, Adolf Hitler, rose to power! Even before the
Ayrian laws, the pogroms, and the incineration chambers darkened
the German horizon, the reaction of the American public, its gov-
ernment and the college campus was prompt and unequivocal.
In the fall of 1933, as the Executive Secretary of the first anti-
Nazi Student Congress in America, at Columbia University, I
felt the pulse of this moral response. Our organization expressed
the deep current of American sentiment that pervaded Rotary
Clubs as deeply as labor unions, cultural societies as much as
corner pubs. Opposition to Naziism in the United States was nation-
46 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
wide. In colleges committees were formed to aid refugees from
Nazi persecution; student newspapers protested the exclusion of
Jews from German universities, the burning of books and the race
laws. Some Americans even suggested intervention; others de-
manded a boycott of German goods.
Others, of course, during war or having some sympathy with
Hitler's supposed aims, denounced these protests as interven-
tionism, insisted that each nation had a right to act as it pleased,
and declared that the Roosevelt administration's anti-Nazi actions
were propaganda equaling that of the Nazis. But, regardless of
differences as to what this country should do about it, there was
little confusion about the evil of Naziism.
How different the scene today! For the past 10 years Com-
munism has shouted to the world that America must be destroyed,
that America is the chief warmonger, the cause of world poverty
and mainspring of tyranny and oppression. Its first task was to
obliterate America's good name among the peoples of the world.
For this enterprise the Soviet propaganda machine has received
aid from the writers of hysterical books and articles deriding
America as a tyrant.
Soviet propaganda has encountered no opposition of the kind
that Nazi propaganda futile in the United States. There is hardly
a single campus committee to aid refugees from the Sovietized
universities in Europe and Asia ; no Student Anti-Communist Con-
gresses; no Women's Leagues Against Concentration Camps. The
eloquent voices of our liberal leaders are raised more passionately
against alleged American misdeeds and tyranny than against the
darkness behind the Iron Curtain. One receives no telegrams urg-
ing ones signature under a Manifesto pledging the signers 'lives,
fortunes and sacred honor' to the downfall of the Red tyranny.
There are no placards reading 'Stop Khrushchev!' attached to
the front bumpers of motor cars. There were some silly aspects of
the anti-Nazi campaign in the late 1930 's, but at any rate few of us
confused slavery with 'human engineering,' or tyranny with
progress.
Had American liberalism displayed the same moral vigor
against Communist fanaticism that it did against Hitlerism, the
world might be a safer place, and our moral leadership, established
by our stand against aggression in the 1930 's and our unstinted
effort in "World War II, would be unquestioned. We are now J
paying dearly in taxes, confusion and fear for maintaining a
double standard of political morality. ' ' 21
Despite these facts there are still far too many educators who, for
some obscure reason, stubbornly cling to the notion that somehow the
Nazis were foul and evil and the Communists much nicer ; that whereas
"Where Are Yesterday's Foes of Dictatorship?" by Dr. Mark Graubard. Editorial,
Saturday Evening Post, July 2, 1955, p. 10.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 47
every intellectual had a solemn duty to oppose Naziism and Fascism
a la Mussolini with all the strength he could muster, it was somehow
unfashionable to oppose Fascism of the Red variety. This attitude no
doubt stemmed from several causes and chief among them was the
fact that during the era of the Spanish Revolution and thereafter until
the close of World War II, thousands of American educators, writers,
artists, actors, musicians and liberals flocked in droves to join the
Communist front organizations of that era ; that many of them actually
became members of the Communist Party in the deluded idea that they
were striking a blow for humanity on a world-wide basis. After World
War II, when it became apparent that the Communists had been using
us for their own hypocritical purposes during the time they were collab-
orating with us against a common enemy, and with their enslavement
of the six Balkan nations behind the Iron Curtain, their acceleration
of Communist Party activity in the United States and their espionage
activities that were exposed throughout the world, these American
intellectuals became disillusioned. They were faced with the necessity
of shrouding their Communist Party front affiliations and their Com-
munist Party membership in the deepest secrecy, and it was therefore
quite easy for them to adopt the idea that Communism was not so bad.
Then, too, we were engaged against the Italian and German Fascists in
a common cause with the Red Army, and consequently many Americans
adopted the idea that while Italian and German Fascism were evil,
Russian Fascism was relatively innocuous.
Whatever the basic causes for this phenomenon among the American
intelligentsia, it constitutes a formidable obstacle to the effective pro-
tection of colleges and universities against subversive infiltration by
members of the Communist Party, or individuals under Communist
discipline. People who have been banded together in Communist Party
activities, acting in a tight conspiratorial group, or engaged in a com-
mon cause through front organizations, are inclined to protect one
another after leaving this type of activity. Thus in a university the
ultra-liberal Left composed of individuals who have been party members
or active in front organizations find it expedient to protect one another
against exposure, thereby forming a somewhat antagonistic clique
against their more conservative colleagues. A university professor,
Morton Cronin, who was associate professor of English at Los Angeles
City College, has recently declared that the outwardly serene collegiate
air frequently serves as a veneer under which there exists an academic
jungle where the competition is indeed savage and where each depart-
ment solidly establishes its own moral, sociological, political and aca-
demic standards which it nurtures and perpetuates by inflicting quick
academic penalities on anyone who violates them. He tells us that am-
bitious young graduate students are being steeped in the liberal tradi-
tion, and continues by declaring that :
"The world of academic liberals, in short, is saturated with
careerism. There is a kind of liberal who cannot conceive a greater
48 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
tragedy than to lose his job or fail a promotion. When he feels,
as he occasionally does when someone is sacked because of his
politics, that America is no better than Russia, he is being quite
sincere. For him nothing could be worse than to impede a man 's ad-
vancement in the world. But this sympathy does not extend to
conservatives — businessmen, professional men, and publishers, for
instance, whose views conflict with his. He will merrily cheer a
boycott among their customers, clients and subscribers. And, what
is more to the point, his sympathy does not extend to his con-
servative or independent colleague who finds himself unpopular
because of his departures from liberal doctrine. ..."
"Liberals," continues Professor Cronin, "may err at times,
but are quite incapable of committing a real sin. * * * This is
why so many liberals who have flirted with Communism now feel,
even in the face of genuine disillusionment, no actual guilt. They
feel, in fact, that their mistake was one that any decent person
should have made.
"The morally complacent, since they feel that they are never
really wrong, easily become morally authoritarian. * * * " 22
We have observed this antagonism of the extreme liberal members
of college faculties toward even the mildest of their conservative col-
leagues and we have discussed this phenomenon with responsible faculty
members at several large universities. In many instances we have
found honest liberals who would be indignant if accused of conducting
their academic researches in a biased and unscholarly manner; yet
their prejudices run so deep that they will stubbornly proclaim the
innocence of Hiss and Oppenheimer without even reading the tran-
scripts and the official reports in these cases — documents easily pro-
cured from the United States Printing Office, Division of Public Docu-
ments, Washington 25, D. C.
During the last war these same liberals would have been aghast if
members of the German-American Bund had been allowed to teach
political science — or law. And the Bund was only a front organization.
But if members of the American-Russian Institute or the California
Labor School or the Jefferson School of Social Science wanted to teach
— then, by some peculiar process of the liberal-academic mind, it became
quite proper. The Nazis and the Bund were subversive ; the Communists
and their fronts and their training schools are also subversive, this
could not be denied — but it was wrong for the former to teach but
quite all right to open the halls of ivy to the latter.
While on this topic we should at least make some passing reference
to what seems to us an example of how the normal precision and
objectiveness of true scholarship may be warped by prejudice. Several
years ago a book was financed by one of the large tax-exempt founda-
tions as a part of some studies in civil liberties. This particular book,
22 Abstracted from The Individualist, Vol. 3, No. 1, Intercollegiate Society of Individ-
ualists; see National Review, Dec. 20, 1958, p. 392.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 49
The Tenney Committee, was written by Edward L. Barrett, Jr., Pro-
fessor of Law at the University of California in Berkeley. We wish to
make it clear that we cast no aspersions on Professor Barrett's loyalty,
but we are convinced that he was yet another sincere liberal whose lack
of practical experience in the amorality of Communism led him to act
as an innocent victim of a smear job.
While Professor Barrett wrote this book, there is no question about
the fact that the entire study, including the attack on the committee,
was directed by Professor Walter Gelhorn, a faculty member on the
staff of the largest Communist indoctrination center in the United
States: The Jefferson School of Social Science.
Anyone certainly has the right to criticize the committee or any
agency of government or any public official and many have availed
themselves of the privilege. Suppose Professor Gelhorn had been teach-
ing at a school for the training of kleagles of the Ku Klux Klan, or
in an academy operated by Gerald L. K. Smith, or in a school for the
perpetuation of Naziism. We are convinced that the reaction against
the selection of a man with such a background would have provoked
an immediate, loud and insistent objection from the highly alert and
articulate Left. But the fact that a professor in a Communist school
was acting as the editor-in-chief of a study of a committee investigating
Communism provoked no ripple on the academic waters. The Legis-
lature has taken the position, based on pertinent information, that no
person under the discipline of the Communist Party should be afforded
the privilege of teaching in the schools of this state. This attitude
was expressed in legislation that provided boards of education with
the necessary authority to fire teachers who sought refuge by invoking
the Fifth Amendment when questioned about subversive affiliations
and activities, or who defied the board of education by refusing to
discuss these matters or revealing their membership in the Communist
Party.23
This legislation has been used with success by the Los Angeles City
Board of Education, and its constitutionality has been uniformly up-
held in a series of suits instituted and vigorously prosecuted by several
teachers. The law does not, however, reach the Communist teacher
concerning whom there is no available evidence of affiliation with the
party since September 10, 1948, which is the period specifically covered
by the act. Formal membership in the party has always been difficult
to prove, and since no cards or books have been issued to members
since 1947, the period covered by the act coincides with the period
of extreme caution by Communists to conceal the identity of members.
The persistent investigations, exposures, prosecutions and disruption
of leadership mentioned earlier have been largely responsible for this
retreat to underground positions and the elaborate precautions set
in operation by the party for its own protection. Thus, while many
28 See Senate Bill No. 1367, Ch. 1632, Stat. 1953; an act to add Ch. 2 to Div. 7 of the
Education Code, and to add Sec. 14130.5 to said code, and to amend Sees. 13521
and 13526 of said code, relating to School District employees.
50 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
members whose Communist activities precede 1948 have impressive
and easily documented records, those who have become members since
1948 are much more difficult to expose.
Detecting Communist Teachers
While these undercover members can often be slipped into our
schools, the supply is begining to run thin. And if a teacher or uni-
versity professor teaches without trying to influence his colleagues or
indoctrinate his students for any considerable length of time, he is not
only useless to the party during that interval but his enthusiasm tends
to wane because of this inactivity. We have learned from the testimony
of hundreds of former Communists who spent many years in the party
apparatus that their lives are completely dedicated to Communist work,
and every waking hour is devoted to some sort of Communist activity.
Operating at such a feverish pitch the average party activist has little
time for critical analysis of the party, and his enthusiasm is kept
aflame by constant association with his comrades in an endless series
of front organization activity and secret party meetings. The instant
an undercover teacher is permitted to become active he must do so by
spreading the party line as subtly as possible to avoid detection and
exposure; he must make contact with his colleagues and urge them to
attend at least a few meetings of organizations that espouse the Com-
munist party line, and he must carry on these activities constantly,
reporting the results thereof for evaluation by his party superiors. This
is a very difficult thing to do, and the job is becoming more difficult
in direct proportion to the degree of exposure and education of the
public at large, and school administrators in particular, in the tech-
niques and methods employed by just this type of Communist.
Issuance of a Communist book or card, embossed with the hammer
and sickle and containing little spaces for the pasting of dues stamps,
is, after all, merely a symbol of membership, a matter of bookkeeping.
The real and only infallible test to be applied is to determine by an
individual's activities and affiliations over a long period of time
whether or not he is under Communist Party discipline and performing
his Communist duties in accordance with the current party line. This
is not a very difficult matter to determine, because the undercover
Communist is always on the horns of a dilemma: if he lies dormant
thereby guaranteeing that he will not be exposed and rendered useless
to the movement, he is without value to the party; if he is activated
and carries on his Communist duties according to plan, he invariably
risks exposure and is ultimately rendered useless. Consequently, the
most valuable weapon that can possibly exist to combat Communist
infiltration— not only in our school system but throughout the entire
fabric of our government and our way of life — lies in a complete
familiarity with the nature of the Communist movement, its history,
its growth, its physical organization, its ideology, its discipline, the
constantly changing international party line which is invariably echoed
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 51
in this country, and the little tricks and artifices the Communists em-
ploy. Armed with this type of information the problem becomes greatly
simplified, and so successful has been the dissemination of accurate
information that the Communist Party, in 1952, was compelled to take
a drastic step and to declare positively and clearly that it would
attempt to bring about a change in the legal precedents established
by the Supreme Court of the United States in order to give themselves
time to gather their forces and renew their subversive efforts under
more favorable legal circumstances. "We will discuss that matter in
detail in a later section dealing with Communist penetration of our
legal system.
Can Communists Teach Objectively?
It has been emphasized many times by official agencies charged
with the duty of investigating these matters, and by the testimony of
many former Communist teachers, that no person can become steeped
in Communist literature, subjected to the rigidity of Communist dis-
cipline, thoroughly imbued with the Communist ideology, and then
step into a classroom and do objective teaching. Any layman who has
the slightest knowledge about the practical aspects of the Communist
movement knows that this is true. Bella V. Dodd, Ph. D., was formerly
an undercover Communist member of the New York Teachers' Union,
and for a time operated its legislative program. Dr. Dodd masqueraded
for many years as a non-Communist liberal, stoutly denying her Com-
munist affiliations and earnestly supporting the Communist cause until
she became disillusioned, broke with the party and rendered her coun-
try an invaluable service by giving the benefit of her experiences to
the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Internal Security. In testifying
before that body she said, in part :
"All Communist teachers who read the literature of the Com-
munist Party and of the Communist movement cannot help but
slant their teaching in that direction. I was a teacher of economics,
and of political science, and it was very easy for me to slant my
teaching that way. As a matter of fact, I wasn't even conscious
of slanting it. That was the way I was thinking, and that was
the way I was teaching it, because I had become imbued with the
whole philosophy and system of Communism. * * * Yes, Commu-
nism is a total philosophy. If you believe in it you live it, you
breathe it, you teach it. * * * You take it with you seven days a
week, 24 hours a day. * * * The students wouldn 't recognize it as
Communism; nobody else might recognize it as Communism. But
there is no doubt in my mind that the Communist teacher teaches
the Communist way." 24
There are some teachers and educators who maintain that members
of the Communist Party should have the same right to teach in our
educational institutions as any other member of a legal organization
"Testimony of Bella V. Dodd, Ph.D., before Senate Internal Security Subcommittee,
March 10, 1953, pp. 543, 544.
52 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
providing they are academically equipped to do so. This group urges
that the only reason Communists should be fired is when they are
caught indoctrinating students in the classroom with Communist ide-
ology. We hasten to point out that in order to monitor every teacher
and every professor in every class that might be used as a medium
through which to indoctrinate students with Communist theories, each
school would have to maintain a staff of investigators and informers
of enormous size, and that such an activity is completely reprehensible
and inimical to our American way of life. The operation of any such
undercover organization of investigators would truly strike a serious
blow at academic freedom and destroy the very processes we are en-
deavoring to preserve. Furthermore, in our opinion, it is quite unneces-
sary to resort to such tactics. We have been accused in the past of
having used such a system on the campuses of California universities,
and we have denied the charge with all the emphasis at our command.
We still deny it and reaffirm that we have no intention of adopting any
such system. At the same time, we assuredly have no intention of dis-
closing our confidential sources of information to the Communist Party
or any of its supporters.
The Objective Teaching of Communism
It is a gratifying privilege to be able to report that in California
during the last four years there has been a growing awareness among
university students concerning the true nature of the Communist
menace, and a far greater resistance to attempts at indoctrination. Re-
ports from the major universities in the state, as well as from many
of the state and junior colleges, indicate that as these institutions have
been concentrating more on objective teaching about the origin, devel-
opment and operation of the Communist Party and the world Com-
munist movement, there has been a steady decline in Communist
activities on the campuses. This is not to say that the danger is by
any means over; we will point out at the conclusion of this article
persuasive evidence that the menace is still very much with us, but
it is definitely on the decline and we see no reason to anticipate that
the decline will not continue. The expulsion of the Los Angeles Feder-
ation of Teachers from the American Federation of Labor, the exposure
of the United Public Workers of America as a Communist front organ-
ization that was directing the activities of the Los Angeles Federation
of Teachers in the southern part of the state, and the co-operation
between educational administrators and this committee, have all con-
tributed toward the common objective of preventing the infiltration
of our educational system by members of subversive organizations.
In July, 1957, Assistant Secretary of State Francis 0. Wilcox
addressed the National Educational Association's Centennial Conven-
tion in Philadelphia, and declared it imperative that the cold, hard
facts about Communism, both in theory and in practice, be taught in
the schools and colleges throughout the country. He was followed by
James B. Conant, former president of Harvard, who has declared on
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 53
many occasions that no person under Communist discipline should be
I permitted to teach in an educational institution. Now that we have
been jarred out of our complacency by the realization of the astounding
progress the Soviet Union has been making in the scientific and educa-
tional fields, we have begun to re-examine our own educational system.
The slowly mounting resistance to the blandishments of these subtle
recruiting techniques in our educational institutions is apparently not
: confined to California. At Harvard a group of students recently got
fed up with listening to the apostles of Marxism, and became particu-
larly resentful when Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer was welcomed as a
i featured speaker on the campus. Joining with influential alumni who
; had also become disgusted, they formed an organization called The
Veritas Foundation and started a backfire. This move attracted such
quick and widespread support from other universities that it is now
national in scope with headquarters in New York City.25
At the University of North Carolina the student paper recently ob-
served that : ' ' The University used to be a political hotbed. It used to
be a place where Communism ran rampant and radical organizations
sprang from the ground. There are no such organizations currently
present on the campus. * * * " 26
Brooklyn College
Brooklyn College in New York is a good example of how students
reject Communist attempts at indoctrination and recruiting once they
are equipped with information that enables them to understand this
subversive movement for what it really is. During the thirties, and
until the middle forties, Brooklyn College had the reputation of being
one of the most heavily infiltrated institutions in the nation. There
was an exceedingly active branch of the Young Communist League at
the college, and its members obtained solid control of the student news-
paper, perpetuating each other in key positions on the editorial staff
year after year and using the paper as an influential propaganda
weapon. In a previous report we have described an identical technique
that was used by the Communist group at U. C. L. A. At Brooklyn
College there were the usual well-organized and rebellious demonstra-
tions against constituted authority, there were picket lines and circu-
lation of leaflets, recruiting was widespread, front organizations flour-
ished, and, in short, there was the general and familiar pattern of
activity that is characteristic of every institution where Communist in-
filtration is allowed to get out of control.
With the advent of a new president, Dr. Harry D. Gideonse, there
came a stiffening of the administration's attitude toward this problem.
Dr. Gideonse was not only aware of the real menace of Communism,
he was also thoroughly familiar with its amorality, its tricks and its real
objectives. Furthermore he displayed a remarkable sense of perspective
25 The Veritas Foundation, P. O. Box 340, New York 5, New York.
26 Excerpt from The Tar Heel, University of North Carolina ; see National Review,
Dec. 20, 1958, p. 392.
54 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
that was reflected in his determination to effect a transition of power
from radical student leaders who were primarily concerned with per-
petuating their political ideas, to student leaders who were interested
in the college as a college and at the same time to preserve academic
freedom in its true sense.
The student paper was emancipated from the grip of the radical
clique; every outburst of party-line propaganda was countered by a
calm and well-reasoned statement on the president's bulletin board;
courses in Russian and on the history of the Communist movement were
established, and the situation was gradually but firmly brought under
control.
President Gideonse has, like Chancellor Raymond Allen at U. C. L. A.,
written some excellent articles on the problems of Communist infiltra-
tion. He, like Dr. Allen, has been to the Soviet Union, and he is
admirably equipped to maintain constant vigilance against a resump-
tion of subversive infiltration at Brooklyn College, and at the same time
to preserve its academic and democratic integrity. There are still radi-
cal student groups at the college and they exist in complete freedom — ■
but they are not subversive.
It has been charged that President Gideonse has throttled freedom
of the press by wresting control of the paper away from the radicals
and restoring it to the students at large so it can present a divergence
of views instead of one ideology. There has also been some criticism of
his alleged tendency to insist upon a conformity to the conservative
point of view. But this sort of thought comes mostly from the extreme
left and ignores the fact that in this college, with 85 percent of the
students Jewish, 11 percent Catholic and 4 percent Protestant, the re-
jection of Communism has come from the students themselves. They
show little evidence of being cowed or regimented by the administra-
tion ; their emphasis is on getting an education instead of participating
in radical politics.27
If one student is subjected to intensive recruiting pressure, succumbs
through a lack of knowledge of Communism, and gets drawn into the
vortex of the conspiracy to the point of no return, he can and usually
does cause untold damage to our society. Take the case of Abram
Flaxer.
According to an abundance of sworn testimony by many witnesses,28
Flaxer was born in Lithuania on September 12, 1904, came to the
United States in 1911, and obtained derivitive citizenship in 1917. After
graduating from Boyce High School in Brooklyn, he entered New York
City College where he was successfully indoctrinated with the Commu-
nist ideology. He did graduate work at Columbia where the indoctrina-
tion was accelerated and he became a party member. He used an alias,
or party name, John Brant, and although having majored in science
he devoted much of his time to the performance of party work in trade
unions.
» See "Brooklyn College," by David Boroff, Harpers, Dec, 1958, p. 42.
28 See : United Public Workers of America, report of Senate Internal Subcommittee,
1952.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 55
In 1936, Flaxer became President of the United Public Workers of
America, a union that was expelled from the C. I. 0. 14 years later
because, as the parent organization put it : "* * * The policies and
activities of the UPW are consistently directed toward the achievement
of the program and purposes of the Communist Party rather than the
objectives and policies set forth in the C. I. 0. Constitution."
This Communist-dominated union was comprised of members who
were employed by the munipical, state and federal governments and
who occupied many highly sensitive positions. By 1952, the United
Public Workers of America had absorbed the State, County and Mu-
nicipal Workers of America and its membership totaled 35,000 persons.
There was one postoffice local in Los Angeles.
In previous reports we have documented many instances where grad-
uates of the state university and other California educational institu-
tions have become indoctrinated while attending school and then went
on to occupy extremely high and influential positions in the Communist
apparatus of this country. We wish to make it crystal clear, and can-
not overemphasize the fact, that while there has been an apparent
waning of Communist activities in the California universities and col-
leges, and that this seems to be reflected in other institutions throughout
the country, the danger is still with us. There has been a growing
resistance on the part of students that comes with the possession of
facts concerning the real nature and practices of Communism. But we
must also bear in mind that the Communist Party is now working
underground ; that it has adopted the Khrushchev directive of working
through liberal non-Communist organizations instead of through its
own front groups, and that Communist activity is much harder to
detect than it was during the period when the party was working in
the open.
Reverting once more to Brooklyn College, since we have selected
this as formerly one of the heaviest-infiltrated institutions in the
country, we find the following faculty members who invoked the Fifth
Amendment regarding their Communist Party membership, or ad-
mitted such membership, when questioned by the United States Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee.29
They were Joseph Bressler, Assistant Professor of Health and Edu-
cation, who invoked the Fifth Amendment on February 10, 1953;
Frederic Ewen, Assistant Professor of Literature, who followed the
same procedure on September 24, 1952; Irving Goldman, instructor in
Anthropology, who admitted having been a member of the Communist
Party until 1942, in a session of the subcommittee held on April 1,
1953; Elton Gustafson, instructor in health and education, who in-
voked the Fifth Amendment on past and present membership in the
Communist Party on February 24, 1953; Eugene Jackson, instructor
of German and former Chairman of the Foreign Language Depart-
»See: "Subversive Influence in the Educational Process," report of the Subcommittee
to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and other Internal
security laws to the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-third
Congress, First Session, July 17, 1953.
56 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
merit of the New York City Schools, who invoked the Fifth Amendment
on September 23, 1952; Alex Benjamin Novikoff, part-time instructor
in Biology who invoked the Fifth Amendment on April 23, 1953 ; Melba
Phillips, instructor in Mechanics and Physical Science, who invoked
the Fifth Amendment on October 13, 1952; Sara Riedman, assistant
instructor in Biology, who invoked the Fifth Amendment on October 13,
1952; Harry Slochower, Associate Professor of German, who invoked
the Fifth Amendment on September 24, 1952; Bernhard J. Stern,
instructor in Chemistry, who invoked the Fifth Amendment on Sep-
tember 24, 1952, and Murray Young, instructor in English, who invoked
the Fifth Amendment on February 24, 1953.
It is interesting to note the results of the series of hearings whereby
the Internal Security Subcommittee investigated infiltration of the
educational process of the country by the Communist Party. In the
preface to the report heretofore referred to, the subcommittee said:
"The Internal Security Subcommittee, in the second year of its
inquiry into Communist penetration of the educational system,
held hearings in Washington, New York, Boston, and Chicago.
The subcommittee was continuing under Chairman William E. Jen-
ner (R., Ind.) the inquiry into Communist penetration into the
educational process begun in 1952 under the chairmanship of
Senator Pat McCarran (D., Nev.).
Altogether it heard more than a hundred witnesses in the field
of education in public session and many more in executive session.
Of this number 82 educators, about whom the subcommittee had
evidence of Communist Party membership, refused to answer ques-
tions about their Communist affiliations, invoking instead their
constitutional privilege against self-incrimination. Three others
admitted Communist Party membership, but defied the committee
in refusing to supply further details. Twenty were responsive wit-
nesses.
Of the 82, 40 were faculty members or employees of 16 differ-
ent universities. The others were teachers in secondary school or
persons who held other positions in the educational system.
The subcommittee received impressive evidence from former
Communist organizers that the Soviet organization was continu-
ously engaged in a plan to penetrate our educational institutions at
every possible point, thus posing a serious threat to our national
security. The Communist agents who spun the very real web of
conspiracy and intrigue within the framework of the United States
Government departments, in almost all cases, were cradled in our
distinguished universities and colleges. The subcommittee observed
that the universities and colleges are, understandably, more and
more participating in government, creating policy and shaping our
national destiny and that the expressions and sentiments of educa-
tors are more and more flowing into the main stream of our
national culture.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 57
The subcommittee's function in the educational field is to
examine the workings of the Communist apparatus and to deter-
mine whether it is necessary to have additional legislation against
new and undefined crime. The subcommittee has no authority or
power to prosecute for criminal action. That is the function of the
prosecuting arm of the executive branch of the government. It is
the function of the legislative branch of the government to go
forward and determine whether or not new laws are necessary or
old laws are outmoded. For these reasons, congressional committees
must operate in an area where actions dangerous or undesirable to
the public welfare are not yet defined in the law as crimes. This
distinction was the determining factor in setting up our standards
and procedures.
At the beginning of this year, Senator Jenner issued for the
subcommittee a statement of policy in which he said : ' If a totali-
tarian organization such as the evidence shows to exist in our
nation's schools is allowed to flourish in our institutions of learn-
ing, unexposed and unchecked, not only will our youth be infused
with seeds of their own and the nation's destruction, but academic
freedom, the right to free inquiry, the right to dissent, the develop-
ment of our culture, and the right to express free ideas and free
thoughts will be choked and stifled.
* * * Our purpose is to protect and safeguard academic
freedom. Academic freedom is under attack by a monstrous growth
no individual or community of scholars can fight alone. Traitors
cannot operate in the free market if armed highwaymen constantly
harass them from secret hideouts on the public roads. The free
market of ideas cannot function if hidden conspirators are waiting
at every vantage point to break and destroy the loyal people who
are going quietly about the business of teaching our youth to the
best of their ability.
Our committee is not concerned about telling the leaders of our
schools and colleges what to teach, or how to teach. It is concerned
with showing them where this alien conspiracy is hidden, that it is
fully armed with every weapon, waiting to attack at every vantage
point. It is concerned with helping our academic leaders to meet
the threat. There can be no academic freedom until this Soviet con-
spiracy hidden in our schools and colleges is exposed to the light,
and the rule of Moscow over its adherence in the educational world
is broken.' " 30
So far as the situation in California is concerned, the committee need
only remind interested readers that a few years ago we reported the
case of a young student who received his first Marxian indoctrination
while attending high school in Southern California, then went to Stan-
ford University where he was recruited into the Communist Party and
30 Subversive Influence in the Educational Process, Senate Internal Security Subcom-
mittee, op. cit., pp. 1 and 2.
58 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
developed for high-level Communist work abroad. Finally realizing the
inherent danger of this type of work in the Communist apparatus and
resolving to break away from the party, this young man left Stanford
against the wishes of his Communist superiors and started his studies at
U. C. L. A. His dead body was found in the basement of a student dor-
mitory near the campus shortly after he had attended a Communist
Party function in downtown Los Angeles with four students who were
also members of the apparatus. According to expert witnesses, including
the chief autopsy surgeon of the Los Angeles County Coroner's Office,
this young man was murdered in order to prevent him from disclosing
what he had learned about high-level operations of the party abroad
and on the Pacific Coast. The committee still has an abundance of
documentary proof, including the death threat, that was received by
this young man from his Communist superiors.
In 1956, there was a similar instance at U. C. L. A. where a graduate
student was found dead in his apartment, and again expert testimony
established the fact of his murder and the committee retains in its
possession records of his attendance at Communist functions and meet-
ings with important Communist functionaries that amply demonstrates
a motive to keep him from making more disclosures. This latter young
man was not a member of the Communist Party, and had not been sub-
mitted to its discipline so far as we know.
There is not the slightest doubt about Communist infiltration of
California institutions of higher learning. The Communist Party would
obviously be idiotic to suddenly neglect this abundant field for recruit-
ing and indoctrination, and for the development of reliable members
who can keep the underground apparatus of the party informed about
current strategic defense researches that are being carried on in our
universities.
When this committee undertook to make some inquiries about sub-
versive infiltration at the University of California in 1952, there was a
storm of faculty protest. Three years later the Fund for the Republic
undertook a completely unofficial and gratuitous investigation in the
same identical field. In the first instance the committee and the presi-
dent of the university, then Dr. Robert Gordon Sproul, were made the
objects of a tirade of abuse, innuendo, unsupported accusations and
attacks from all quarters — including the leftwing element in some of
the Bay area newspapers — simply because the State University and
the State Legislature presumed to co-operate for the purpose of deter-
mining the extent of subversive infiltration of the institution and to
take such measures as might be deemed necessary to combat it. When
the Fund for the Republic set up shop in April, 1955, for the purpose
of making a detailed study of civil liberties, loyalty and subversion in
connection with the university, there was not a whisper of protest.
Even when representatives of the Fund for the Republic circulated a
detailed and loaded questionnaire among the faculty members there
were no eruptions from the faculty about this nosiness, no expressions
of indignation from the Academic Senate because the Fund for the
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 59
Kepublic presumed to pry into university affairs, there was no dis-
pleasure because the academic freedom of the institution was being
damaged. The American Civil Liberties Union looked on with tacit
approval, and there was no objection from the Regents of the univer-
sity at this unofficial snooping expedition. The Fund for the Republic
established a base of operation within walking distance of the university
campus and happily set about quizzing everybody it could find, and
actually making a written survey which would indicate to whomever
might be interested the division between the pro-Communist, ultra-
liberals, freewheeling Socialists, and fellow travelers on the one hand,
and the usually inarticulate, conservative faculty members on the other.
Many of the questions propounded in this Fund for the Republic survey
are of great significance.
If we had undertaken to make this survey in writing there would
have been a truly earth-shaking revulsion. Why ? Why this supine sub-
mission by faculty and acquiescence by administration to this under-
taking by an unofficial, purely gratuitous, self-appointed group, and
such violent resistance when, without going to anything like these
extremes, the Legislature sought to tender its services in a co-operative
effort to stem the tide of subversive infiltration? The highly vocal
spokesmen for the "liberal" clique are quick to protest about the inva-
sion of academic freedom, but they apparently have one standard for
those who seek to protect the state against subversion in the perfor-
mance of official duties, and another standard for the same kind of a
survey in greater detail by written questionnaire by an unofficial organ-
ization like the Fund for the Republic. We consider this questionnaire
of such importance that we set it forth herewith, all italics being
emphasis added by the committee.
Faculty Questionnaire, Fund for the Republic Study, April, 1955
Q. 1-a. Is it your impression that there is greater concern these days
than six or seven years ago on the part of the public and groups
outside the college over teachers' political opinions and what
political matters are taught in the classroom, or not?
Greater concern ; not greater concern ; don't
know
b. In general, do you feel this greater concern has caused any
harmful effects on the climate of freedom in the country, or do
you think this charge of harmful effects has been overdone ?
Caused harmful effects ; charge overdone ; not
sure
c. In what ways does this greater concern cause harmful effects ?
Any others ?
d. Can you tell me any advantage in this greater concern on the
part of the public? Any others?
60 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
e. Now, while there may be disagreement over the seriousness of
the effect of this greater concern, let's talk for a moment about
the areas that some people say might be affected in a harmful
way. Here is a list of such areas. (Hand respondent card.) If
you had to make a choice, can you tell me the one area on the
list where you think the most harmful effects might be felt ?
It impairs the intellectual role a college should play in a
democracy ; It discourages constructive public discus-
sion of important issues ; it degrades the academic
profession ; it prepares the ground for totalitarianism
; it really has no serious effects
Q. 2-a. In the past few years have you felt that your own academic
freedom has been threatened in any way or not?
Threatened ; not threatened ; don't know
b. In what way or ways do you feel your academic freedom has
been threatened ?
Q. 3-a. Do you feel there is a greater threat to intellectual activity
in America than there was a generation ago, less of a threat,
or don't you see any difference?
Greater threat ; less of a threat ; no difference
; don't know
b. What is that greater threat? Anything else?
Q. 4. There has been a good deal of discussion recently about
whether or not the proposed admission of Red China to the U. N.
is a proper subject for intercollegiate debate.
a. How do you feel about it ; do you approve or disap-
prove of intercollegiate debates on the admission of Red China
to the U. N. ?
Approve ; disapprove ; don't know
b. Suppose you were a faculty adviser to the debating team right
here and the president told you he wouldn't allow the team to
debate the admission of Red China issue, would you protest vig-
orously to him, or just say you disagreed and leave it at that,
or would you accept his order and not say anything?
Protest vigorously ; just say disagree and leave it
; don't know ; comments :
c. Suppose the president of this college (university) said that
he wanted the team to debate the admission of Red China issue,
would you do anything about it?
Yes ; no ; don't know
4. What would you do ? Anything else ?
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 61
Q. 5-a. Suppose you were faculty adviser to a student organization
here on this campus that proposed inviting Owen Lattimore, Far
Eastern expert (now under indictment in Washington), to speak
at a public meeting here. Do you think Lattimore ought to be
allowed to speak here or not?
Out to be allowed ; ought not to be allowed ;
don't know
d. Suppose the president did ban Lattimore from speaking and
the students who invited him asked you to join with them in
protesting the ban. Would you protest the ban vigorously, or
just say you disagree and leave it at that, or would you accept
his ban and not say anything?
Protest vigorously ; just say disagree and leave it
; not say anything ; don't know
c. Suppose the president of this college (university) said that
he would not interfere with the invitation to Lattimore, would
you do anything to try to prevent his appearance on this
campus ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
d. What would you do? Anything else?
Q. 6. Here is a list of things that some people say have happened
to social science faculty members. I wish you would run down
the list and then tell me for each whether or not this has hap-
pened to you or crossed your mind here at (name of col-
lege/university). (Hand respondent list.)
1. Have some colleages here on the campus ever given you ad-
vice on how to avoid getting into political trouble at this college?
Yes ; no ; don't know
2. Do you find yourself being more careful now and then not
to bring up certain political topics with your colleagues in order
not to embarrass them?
Yes ; no ; don't know
3. Have you noticed more of a tendency lately in social gath-
erings on the campus to avoid controversial political topics?
Yes ; no ; don't know
4. Do you find in your recommendations of reference materials
to students that you are more careful today not to recommend
something that might be later criticized for being too contro-
versial ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
5. Have you ever wanted to join an organization, and despite
the possibility of personal criticism for joining it, you went
ahead and became a member anyway ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
62 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
6. Do you find in your conversations with your fellow faculty
members that there is lots more talk these days about teacher
firings than other political security problems?
Yes ; no ; don't know
7. Do you feel more inclined these days to advise the student
political group not to take extreme positions for their own well-
being ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
8. Have you ever wondered that some political opinion you've
expressed might affect your job security or promotion at this
college ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
9. Have you ever thought about the possibility that the adminis-
tration of the college has a political file or dossier on every fac-
ulty member, including yourself?
Yes ; no ; don't know
10. Do you find that you are more hesitant today to sponsor a
student political group that advocates unpopular ideas ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
11. Do you ever find yourself wondering if because of your
politics or something political you said or did that you might
be a subject of gossip in the community ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
12. If a student had told you about some political indiscretion
in his youth, but now you were convinced of his loyalty, and if
the FBI came to you to check on that student, would you report
this incident to the FBI?
Yes ; no ; don't know
13. If you were to hire a teaching assistant, would you wonder
if his political background might possibly be embarrassing to
you?
Yes ; no ; don't know
14. If you were considering a move to another college, have you
wondered if anyone at that college would ask anyone at your
present college about your political background and political
biases you might have in your teaching?
Yes ; no ; don't know
15. Have you toned down anything you have written lately be-
cause you were worried that it might cause too much contro-
versy ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
16. Have you worried about the possibility that some student
might inadvertently pass on a warped version of what you have
said and lead to false ideas about your political views ?
Yes : no ; don't know
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 63
17. When you have private talks outside of the classroom with a
student whose views are unpopular do you try to help him to
conform to the prevailing views on the campus ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
18. Have you ever wondered if there was something political
you said or did that would cause you to become unpopular with
any group of alumni?
Yes ; no ; don't know
19. Have you occasionally refrained from expressing an opinion
or participating in some activity in order not to embarrass the
trustees of the college administration?
Yes ; no ; don't know
20. Have you recently wanted to express publicly a political
point of view on something, and despite your worry that you
might be criticized for saying what you did, you said it just
the same?
Yes ; no ; don't know
21. Do you occasionally go out of your way to make statements
or tell anecdotes in order to bring home the point directly or
indirectly that you have no extreme leftist or rightist leanings?
Yes ; no ; don't know
7-a. Have you signed any loyalty oath here at this college in
which you pledged to disavow all subversive activities and ideol-
ogies ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
b. Did you welcome the chance to sign the oath, or did you feel
some reluctance about signing it, or didn't you have any strong
feelings one way or the other ?
Welcomed the chance ; reluctant about it ; no
feelings either way
c. Why did you sign it — because you felt your job was at stake
or that it wasn 't worth making an issue over this, or what ?
Job at stake ; not worth making issue over ;
other
d. Suppose you were asked to sign an oath in which you pledged
to disavow all subversive activity and ideologies, would you re-
fuse, sign it with some reluctance, or welcome the opportunity?
Kefuse ; sign with reluctance ; welcome oppor-
tunity ; don't know
e. What's the main reason you feel this way? Any other rea-
sons?
f. Why would you sign it — because you would feel that your job
was at stake or that it wasn't worth making an issue over this,
or what?
Job at stake ; not worth making issue over ;
other
64 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Q. 8-a. Have you ever worked on a project or received a government
grant or worked for the government at a job in which security-
clearance from the government was necessary?
Yes ; no ; don't know
b. Have you ever been turned down for a government job or
for work on a government project on which you suspect might
have been political grounds, or hasn't this happened to you?
Have been turned down ; hasn't happened I
don't know
Q. 9-a. Can you tell me which periodicals dealing with politics or
public affairs you generally read — (here we don't mean tech-
nical journals)? Any others?
b. I wonder if you would tell me what political groups or or-
ganizations interested in public affairs you belong to or make
contributions to? Any others?
Q. 10-a. Do you usually express your own political views on the
subjects you teach, or do you usually try to avoid expressing
your point of view?
Usually express own views ; avoid expressing own
views ; don't know
b. After expressing your own point of view, have you ever
wondered afterward if you should have said it or not?
Wondered ; never wondered ;
don't know
c. Can you tell me more about it?
Q. 11-a. Have you ever felt your point of view on a political subject
was reported unfavorably to higher authorities or hasn't this
happened to youf
Yes ; no ; don't know
b. Can you tell me more about it? Anything else?
c. Have you ever felt that you were being watched in a class-
room?
Yes ; no ; don't know
d. Can you tell me more about it ? Anything else ?
Q. 12-a. Leaving aside Communist groups, are there any groups
that teachers like you might belong to that you feel are likely
to be attacked as being subversive? Any others?
b. Again, leaving aside Communist publications, which publica-
tions that teachers like yourself might receive do you feel are
likely to be attacked as being subversive? Any others?
Q. 13-A. Have you ever been a member of a political group which
advocated a program or a cause which has been unpopular or
controversial, or haven't you been a member of any such group?
Been a member ; never been a member ; don't
know
UN-AMEKICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 65
b. Has anyone ever criticized you for belonging to such a group
or not?
Yes ; no ; don't know
c. Can you tell me more about that criticism? Anything else?
d. Do you think your having belonged to this political group
adversely affected your academic career, or don't you think it
had any bearing on it?
Adversely affected ; no bearing ; don't know
e. Even though nothing has happened so far, are you very wor-
ried that this past association might some day have an effect on
your academic career, only a little worried, or aren't you con-
cerned about it?
Very worried ; a little worried ; not concerned
; don't know
Q. 14-a. If someone accused you of Leftist leanings, would you
expect most, some, only a few, or hardly any of your colleagues
to rally to your support?
Most ; some ; only a few ; hardly any
; don't know
b. Now what about the administration of the college — do you
think they would support you wholeheartedly, with reservations,
or hardly at all?
Wholeheartedly ; with reservations ; hardly
at all ; don't know
Q. 15. Some claim there hardly exists an area in the social sciences
which does not lend itself to value judgment — that is, subject
to difference of opinion.
a. Now, in general, for the courses you teach, which emphasis
would you lean to: (hand respondent card)
(1) Such controversial matters should be discussed fre-
quently in undergraduate teaching because of the educa-
tional value of such discussion
(2) One should answer such questions honestly when they
come up but not seek out such discussions
(3) In times like these it is better to avoid the discussion
of such controversial issues as much as possible.
Comments
b. Have you always generally held this point of view or have
you come to feel this way in the past few years?
Always held this view ; come to feel this way in the
past few years ; not sure
66 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Q. 16. In teaching subjects which might require questioning of tra-
ditional values, which of these two approaches do you personally
feel is the better educational policy for teachers to follow:
(1) After proper discussion, to argue in a measured way
for his own point of view ; or,
(2) To give all sides of the question impartially without
revealing his own views
Hard to decide
Q. 17. If you had to make a choice, in general, which of these two
approaches do you think ought to be more emphasized more
in teaching the social sciences to students in their first two
years of undergraduate studies?
(1) To give the students a basic grounding of facts on the
subject ; or
(2) To get the students thinking about the problem areas
in the subject
Hard to decide
Q. 18. (Hand respondent card) (Don't read question)
In an engineering school education, it is said to be important for
students to understand the prevailing state of the mechanical
arts. In addition, their education should prepare them to make
their own original contributions and to accelerate new develop-
ments.
Some say this is directly comparable to the intellectual train-
ing of students in the social sciences. It is argued that these
students should be prepared to make their own original contri-
butions to help society to better meet the needs of its people.
How important do you see this element of creative preparation
in the teaching of the social sciences to undergraduates: An
urgent part of undergraduate teaching, or a quite important
part of undergraduate teaching, or a minor part of undergrad-
uate teaching, or not the proper function of undergraduate
teaching, or you have honestly not given it much thought?
Urgent need of undergraduate teaching , or quite
important part of undergraduate teaching , or
minor part of undergraduate teaching , or not proper
function of undergraduate teaching , or
honestly have never given it much thought , or don't
know
Q. 19. Do you feel your philosophy on how to teach is pretty typical
of that of most of your colleagues on the social science faculty
here, or do you feel your philosophy is slightly different or very
much different from that of your colleagues?
Pretty typical ; slightly different ; very much
different ; don't know
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 67
20-a. How closely do you follow civil liberties problems and issues
in the news — as much as any other news, more than most other
news, or not as much as other news?
As much as any other news ; more than most other
news ; not as much as other news ; don't know
b. Can you tell me which specific cases, if any, came to your
mind when I asked you this last question ? Any others ?
c. Apart from any cases here in this college, what civil liberties
or academic freedom cases, if any, have occurred around here
in this area even though they may not have been in the national
news? Any others? Tell me which specific cases, if any, came
to your mind when I asked you this last question? Any others?
d. Do you find yourself discussing civil liberties issues and prob-
lems with your friends, colleagues, or family members fairly
often, just occasionally, or hardly ever?
Fairly often ; just occasionally ; hardly ever
; don't know
Q. 21. Compared to six or seven years ago, is it your impression that
individual students are less willing to express unpopular politi-
cal views (in the classroom, etc.), more willing, or hasn't there
been much change?
(a) In the classroom less ; more ; no change
; don't know
(b) In private talks with faculty members outside the class-
room, less ; more ; no change ; don't
know
Q. 22. Compared to six or seven years ago, is it your impression that
students seem to be less willing to form and to join student
political organizations advocating what might be unpopular po-
litical beliefs, are they more willing, or would you say there has
been no appreciable change?
Less willing ; more willing ; no change ;
don't know ; no such groups here
Q. 23. In your judgment, what are the things that could make a
member of the social science faculty here controversial? Any-
thing else?
Q. 24. Is it your impression that members of the social science fac-
ulty here are less willing (to express unpopular political views,
etc.) than they were six or seven years ago, more willing, or
hasn't there been much change?
(a) To express unpopular political views in the classroom:
less willing ; more willing ; not much change
: don't know
68 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
(b) To express unpopular political views publicly in the
community : less willing ; more willing ; not
much change ; don't know
(c) To express unpopular political views privately among
friends : less willing ; more willing ; not much
change ; don't know
(d) To serve as faculty advisers to student political groups
that might advocate unpopular causes: less willing ;
more willing ; not much change ; don't know
Q. 25-a. Do you have the impression that compared to six or seven
years ago, some members of the faculty here are more worried
about possible attacks and accusations on their political beliefs
and activities, less worried, or don't you think there has been
much change ?
More worried ; less worried ; not much change
; have become bolder ; don't know
b. From what sources do they think the attacks might come?
Anywhere else?
Q. 26-a. Now I would like to ask you about the research your col-
leagues do, the papers they publish, or the books they write, and
the speeches they make. Any or all of these; do you feel that
some of your social science colleagues here have avoided subjects
that might have political repercussions more than they might
have had six or seven years ago, less than they might have had
then, or don't you think there has been much change?
Avoid subjects more ; avoid subjects less ; no
change ; don't know
b. Without naming names of individuals, can you give me some
specific illustrations of the sort of thing they have done in these
cases ? Anything else ?
Q. 27. Do you feel that in the selection of reference materials they
recommend to students, your social science colleagues here have
become more careful today, as compared to six or seven years
ago, or less careful to keep out material that might prove too
controversial, or don't you think this has generally happened?
More careful ; less careful ; have become bolder
; don't know
Q. 28-a. Have there been any cases here in this college where you feel
that academic freedom of any member of the faculty has been
threatened?
Yes ; no ; don't know
b. Can you tell me about it ? ( Them ? ) Any others ?
c. What effects did the incident (s) have on the rest of the fac-
ulty here? Anything else?
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 69
29-a. Has any group or person accused anyone on this faculty
here of being subversive or of engaging in any un-American
activities in the past few years?
Yes ; no ; don't know
b. Can you tell me about it? (Them?) Anything else?
c. "What did you think of the whole affair (s) ?
d. Do you feel the administration handled the incident in a way
which protected the reputation of the college (university, etc.)
or not?
Protected the reputation of the university with the public
at large: yes ; no ; don't know
Protected the rights of the faculty: yes ; no ;
don't know
Protected the educational standards of the college (univer-
sity) : yes ; no ; don't know
30. If you had to make a choice, in a case in which a member of
the faculty is accused of being subversive or engaging in un-
American activities, which do you think it most important for
the college (university) administration to protect — the reputa-
tion of the college (university) or the rights of the faculty
members ?
Reputation of college (university) ; rights of faculty
member ; depends ; don't know
31-a. Thinking back over the last few years, do you know of any
cases of teachers here who probably would have been added to
the staff if they hadn't had controversial political views, or don't
you know of any such cases?
Know of such a case ; don't know of any case
b. Do you know of anyone ivho is no longer teaching here as a
resxdt of his political views, or don't you know of any such cases?
Don't know of such a case here ; don't know of any
c. Do you think it is possible at this college (university) that
a man with- slightly greater merit who was unconventional could
be passed over for a permanent appointment in favor of a man
with somewhat less merit who was conventional, or don't you
think that could happen here?
Could happen here ; could not happen here ;
don't know
d. Can you tell me about any cases here such as this— again
without mentioning names? Any others?
32. Compared to what you know about other academic institu-
tions, would you say that working conditions here (teaching
load, salaries, and so on) are: unusually good; good, but could
70 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
be improved; fair; or not good, but could be worse; or unusu-
ally bad?
Unusually good ; good, but could be improved ;
fair ; not good, but could be worse ; unusually
bad ; no opinion
Q. 33-a. Compared to what you know about other academic institu-
tions, by and large, would you say that relations among faculty
members here are : unusually good ; good, but could be improved ;
fair ; are not good, but could be worse ; or unusually bad ?
Unusually good ; good, but could be improved ;
fair ; not good, but could be worse ; unusually
bad ; no opinion
b. Compared to what you know about other academic institu-
tions, by and large, would you say that relations between the
faculty and administration of this college (university) are:
Unusually good; good, but could be improved; fair; are not
good, but could be worse ; or unusually bad ?
Unusually good ; good, but could be improved ;
fair ; not good, but could be worse ; unusually
bad ; no opinion
Q. 34-a. Has the faculty and the administration discussed the ques-
tions of academic freedom in joint meetings within the last
year ar not?
Yes ; no ; don't know
b. Do you feel the administration of the college has taken a
clear stand on matters of academic freedom or not?
Yes ; no ; don't know
c. How would you describe the administration's stand on mat-
ters of academic freedom? Anything else?
Q. 35-a. Of course it is possible to have events that stir up strong
feelings on the local or state as well as the national level. Which
would you say you have had more of around here — local, state,
or national controversies?
Local ; state ; national ; don't
know
b. Can you tell me about any local events that have created
strong pro and con feelings here in the past few years?
Q. 36. Is it your impression that the administration of this college
(university) is under more pressure to avoid controversy from
(trustees, etc.) than it was six or seven years ago, less pressure,
or that there hasn't been much change?
(a) Trustees: more ; less ; not much change
; don't know
(b) Alumni: more ; less ; not much change
; don't know
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 71
(c) The community right here: more ; less ;
not much change ; don't know
(d) The Legislature or local politicians: more ;
less ; not much change ; don't know
Q. 37. If you had to choose one, who would you say has the most
powerful voice here on this campus in determining the degree
of academic freedom that exists here — the trustees, the presi-
dent, the dean, the heads of departments, the faculty, the stu-
dents, or who?
Trustees ; president ; dean ; heads of
departments ; faculty ; students ; all
; none ; other ; don't know
Q. 38. Now, I should like to ask you some questions about a man
who admits he is a Communist.
(a) Suppose he is working at a defense plant.
Should he be fired, or not?
Yes ; no ; don't know
(b) Suppose he is a clerk in a store.
Should he be fired, or not?
Yes ; no ; don't know
(c) Suppose he is teaching in a college.
Should he be fired, or not?
Yes ; no ; don't know
Q. 39. Now I would like you to think of another person. (Hand
respondent card.) A man whose loyalty has been questioned
before a Congressional committee, but swears under oath he has
never been a Communist.
(a) Suppose he has been working in a defense plant.
Should he be fired, or not?
Yes ; no ; don't know
(b) Suppose he is a clerk in a store. Should be be fired
or not?
Yes ; no ; don't know
(c) Suppose he is teaching in a college or university.
Should he be fired or not ?
Yes ; no ; don't know
Q. 40. How great a danger do you feel that American Communists
are to this country at the present time — a very great danger,
a great danger, some danger, or no danger?
A very great danger ; a great danger ; some
danger ; hardly any danger ; no danger ;
don't know
72 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Q. 41. If there are students who want to join it, do you think that
a (Young Democratic Club, etc.) ought to be allowed on this
campus or not?
Young Democratic Club : allowed ; not allowed ;
depends ; don't know
Young Republican Club : allowed ; not allowed ;
depends ; don't know.
Students for Democratic Action: allowed ; not al-
lowed ; depends ; don't know
Young Socialist League: allowed ; not allowed ;
depends ; don't know
Young Communist League: allowed ; not allowed
; depends ; don't know
Q. 42. In general, how do you feel about a social science teacher
who is an admitted Communist f Do you or don't you feel that he
is not very different from any other teacher with unorthodox
views, etc?
(a) He is not very different from any other teachers with
unorthodox views: Yes ; no ; don't know
(b) He is troublesome mainly as a source of embarrassment
to the college: Yes ; no ; don't know
(c) He is not fit to be a teacher: Yes ; no ;
don't know
(d) He is a dangerous person to have students exposed to:
Yes ; no ; don't know
Q. 43. Do you think there is a definite advantage in having a teacher
with radical or nonconformist views on the social science fac-
ulty here, or do you think that is a luxury at best, which this
faculty cannot afford?
Definite advantage ; luxury cannot afford ;
cannot decide
Q. 44. On political matters, do you feel that you are more liberal or
more conservative than most of the trustees here at this college,
etc.?
(a) Most of the trustees here at this college: more liberal
; more conservative ; same ; don't know
(b) Most of the administration here: more liberal ;
more conservative ; same ; don't know
(c) Most of the faculty here : more liberal ; more con-
servative ; same
(d) Most of the alumni of this college : more liberal ;
more conservative ; same ; don't know
(e) Most people in the community in which the college is
located: more liberal ; more conservative ; same
; don't know
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 73
(f) (If "more liberal" or "more conservative" in a, b, c,
d, or e above) Have you felt some pressures — direct or in-
direct— to conform to the prevailing political pattern or
haven't you felt any of these pressures?
Have felt : have not felt ; don't know
(g) How have these pressures shown themselves? In any
other ways ?
Q. 45. Here is a list of four occupations (hand respondent card).
A. Now suppose a typical businessman were to rank these
four occupations by the prestige he holds for each — in what
order do you think he would rank each?
B. How do you think a typical Congressman would rank
them?
C. Finally, how do you think the typical trustee of your
college (university) would rank them? (Note: rank from
1-4 for each category.)
Manager of a branch bank :
(a) Businessman ; (b) congressman ; (c) trus-
tee
Account executive of an advertising agency:
(a) Businessman ; (b) congressman ; (c) trus-
tee
Lawyer :
(a) Businessman ; (b) congressman ; (c) trus-
tee
A college professor :
(a) Businessman ; (b) congressman ; (c) trus-
tee
Don't know
FACTUAL DATA
1. How long have you been teaching in colleges or universities?
Less than. five years ; 5 up to 10 years ; 10 up to 20
years ; 20 up to 30 years ; 30 years or more
2. How long have you been teaching at this college or university?
Less than five years ; 5 up to 10 years ; 10 up to
20 years ; 20 up to 30 years ; 30 years or more
3-a. Do you have a permanent or rotating chairman of your depart-
ment?
Permanent chairman ; rotating chairman
b. Are you now or have you been a department head here?
Yes ; no ; don't know [Sic]
74 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
c. (Do you) (Does your department chairman) (department
head) have a considerable amount of latitude and authority in
making policy decisions or would you say (you) (he) (are) is
essentially concerned with administrative details?
Considerable amount of latitude and authority ; es-
sentially concerned with administrative details ;
don't know
4. Can you tell me what degrees you hold ?
B.A ; B.S ; M.A ; M.S ; Ph.D.
; other ; don't know [Sic]
5-a. What department are you in?
Economics ; History ; Government ; An-
thropology ; International Relations ; Sociology
; Geography ; Social Science ; Social
Studies ; Political Science
b. What courses do you now teach?
c. Do you get a great deal of opportunity in the courses you
teach to discuss controversial issues, only little opportunity, or
hardly any at all ?
Great deal of opportunity ; only little opportunity
; hardly any at all ; don't know [Sic]
6. Will you tell me what ranking you hold — instructor, lecturer, as-
sistant professor, associate professor, or full professor?
Instructor ; lecturer ; assistant professor
; associate professor ; full professor ;
don't know [Sic]
7. Do you have a permanent appointment here on this faculty or
not?
Yes ; no ; don't know [Sic]
8. Have you ever hired any teaching assistants?
Yes ; no ; don't know [Sic]
9-a. Have you written a dissertation ?
Yes ; no
b. Has it been published in full or in part?
In full ; in part ; not been published
c Have you published any (other) papers?
Yes ; no
d. How many?
Two or less ; two or more
e. Have you published any (other) books?
Yes ; no
10-a. Can you tell me any academic honors which have been be-
stowed on you ?
b. Have you served on any college or university committees?
Yes ; no
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 75
c. Have you held office in any professional or academic so-
cieties ?
Yes ; no
d. Have you delivered any papers at the meetings of any pro-
fessional or academic societies?
None ; one or more ; three or more
11. Have you ever applied for a Fullbright Lecturer or Scholar
Award ?
Yes ; no ; don't know [Sic]
12. Have you served as a consultant to industry or any other or-
ganizations excluding the Federal Government?
Yes ; no ; don't know [Sic]
13-a. Is you salary today higher than it was five years ago ?
Yes ; no
b. By what percent has it gone up?
Less than 5 percent ; less than 10 percent ; 10-
20 percent ; 20-30 percent ; 30 percent or more
; don't know [Sic]
c Do you have any outside source of income besides your sal-
ary?
Yes ; no
14. Are you a member of the American Association of University
Professors ?
Yes ; no
15-a. Are you married, single, widowed, or divorced ?
Married ; single ; widowed ; divorced
b. Do you have any children?
yes ; no
c How many?
1 ; 2 ; 3 ; 4 ; 5 ; 6 or more
16 . Have you (your husband) ever served in any branch of the
Armed Forces?
yes ; no
17. Sex?
Male ; female
18 . What is your age ?
20-30 ; 31-40 ; 41-50 ; 51-60 ; 61
or older
19 . Race :
White ; Negro
20 . Do you mind telling me where your grandparents were born ?
United States ; Canada ; Great Britain
(England, Scotland, Wales) ; Ireland ; Ger-
many ; Scandinavia (Norway, Sweden, Denmark)
76 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
; Italy ; other "Western Europe (Netherlands,
Belgium, France, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal) ;
Poland ; other Eastern Europe (Austria, Hungary,
Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Yugoslavia,
Albania, Russia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia)
; all other ; don't know
21. Can you tell me your father's occupation?
22. Do you mind telling me your religious preference?
Protestant ; Catholic ; Jewish ; other
; none ; don't know
23. How many times in the 'past year, if at all, has a representative
from the F. B. I. talked with you — for any purpose?
None ; one or two ; three or more
24. Are the people you see the most of socially mainly from your
department, from the faculty generally, or from the community?
Own department ; faculty generally ; commu-
nity ; don't know [Sic]
25. "Would you classify yourself politically as a Republican, Demo-
crat, Independent, or what?
Republican ; Democrat ; Independent ;
other ; don't know
26. "Would you mind telling me whom you voted for in 1952 for
president ?
Eisenhower ; Stevenson ; Other ; did not
vote ; don't remember
27. Do you mind telling me whom you voted for in 1948 for presi-
dent?
Dewey ; Truman ; Wallace ; Thurmond
; other ; did not vote ; don't remem-
ber
What was accomplished by this survey? An examination of the key
questions discloses its main objectives. It starts by inquiring about the
increasing public concern over teaching political opinions, the sort
of political matters being taught, and whether this concern has caused
any damage to academic freedom. This general topic is pursued, ask-
ing for more and more detail, until the respondent is asked if it ever
occurred to him the university might be keeping "a political file or
dossier on every faculty member, including yourself." (Questionnaire,
page 4.) It would seem obvious that if such data were maintained on
every faculty member, it would necessarily include the member being
interviewed, and we wonder what is meant by "a political file or dos-
sier." Does it mean that the administration wants to know how many
Democrats and Republicans it employs? If so, the county recorder's
office would provide this information to the Fund for the Republic
without necessitating the repetition of the question to every person
interviewed. And if it refers to some sort of subversive political organi-
zation, and compendia of this type of information maintained by the
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 77
administration, it would appear that the question should state this
fact plainly and without quibbling. As it stands, this particular ques-
tion is intriguingly ambiguous.
Another inquiry in the general category asks whether, if the re-
spondent had been given information by a student about "a political
indiscretion in his youth," and thereafter the F. B. I., in the perform-
ance of its duty to protect the government against subversion, asked
the respondent about the student, would he frankly assist the F. B. I.
by reporting the incident, or would he refuse to do so if, in his own
opinion, the student was now loyal? (Questionnaire, page 5.) The word-
ing of this question plainly indicates that the word "political" here
refers to a subversive affiliation since it is related to the fact that the
respondent may now be convinced of his student's loyalty.
At this point it is perceived that the Fund for the Kepublic is itself
keeping a rather elaborate "file or dossier" on every faculty member
it questions. And this particular inquiry should provide a list of those
who would refuse to disclose loyalty information about students when
requested to do so by the F. B. I. It collects information about whether
respondent believes he was fired or rejected from a government position
for "political grounds," and solicitously adds, "or hasn't this hap-
pened to you?" (Questionnaire, page 7.)
The faculty members are then asked for a list of the periodicals they
read dealing with politics or public affairs; the political organizations
to which they belong or to which they contribute ; and, ' ' have you ever
felt your point of view on a political subject was reported unfavorably
to higher authorities ? " To which is once more appended the commiser-
ating inquiry, "or hasn't this happened to you?" (Questionnaire,
page 8) ; and then the respondent is asked if he ever felt he was being
watched in the classroom, but this question doesn't specify who might
be doing this teacher- watching : student spies, administration spies, or
government spies.
The first part of the questionnaire- — there are three parts — concludes
with two questions that, for the first time, specifically mention Com-
munism and ask whether the respondent is aware of any groups or
publications "other than Communist," that might be attacked as be-
ing subversive. (Questionnaire, page 9.)
Section 2 commences with questions that are obviously designed
to draw out the attitudes of faculty members who once belonged to "a
political group that advocated a program or a cause which has been un-
popular or controversial." The questioner wants to know whether the
respondent has "been a member, never been a member, don't know."
(It is difficult to imagine how anyone fit to teach could be a member of
such an organization and not know it). Then the respondent is asked
if he has been criticized because of this affiliation, if such membership
has jeopardized his academic career, and even if nothing has happened
yet — does he worry that this past association might one day injure his
career; whether, if accused of "leftist leanings," most, some, only a
78 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
few, or hardly any colleagues or the administration would rally to his
support.
After thus exploring the respondent's attitude toward the teaching
of controversial subjects, the questions shift to a revelation of his
attitude about civil liberties, seeking information about whether he is
interested in these matters as much, more, or not as much as other
news; whether he will describe "cases around here in this area" other
than at the college; how often he discusses civil liberty issues with
others; if students have become more unwilling to express unpopular
political views in class during the past six or seven years, or to join
groups advocating such ideas.
In discussing faculty attitudes with the respondent he is asked
whether social science teachers are less willing to express "unpopular
political views" than they were six or seven years ago — in the class-
room, in the community and among friends, and to act as faculty ad-
visors to ' ' student political organizations advocating unpopular causes. ' '
Continuing to explore general faculty attitudes, the questions now
move to a wider field, utilizing the respondent as a source of informa-
tion about his colleagues. He is asked if they seem more worried about
being assailed for their unorthodox political beliefs and activities than
they were six or seven years ago, or "less worried, not much change, or
have become bolder;" the respondent is asked about his colleagues'
research, the books they write, the papers they publish — even the
speeches they make and whether he believes any of this work has become
restricted because of their dread of political repercussions; whether
selection of reference material for use by students is likewise restricted
for the same reason. He is asked to describe specific cases where the
academic freedom of any of his colleagues has been threatened, and
whether he knows of any person or group that has accused any faculty
member of being subversive or engaging in un-American activities
"in the past few years," and his opinion is solicited concerning how
each case was handled by the university administration. The respondent
is then asked whether he considers it most important to protect the
reputation of the university or the faculty member. Nothing is ever
mentioned about protecting the state, the students or the parents. The
respondent is asked about persons who were not hired because of
their "controversial political views," and is asked to describe all cases
he knows of where persons were fired because of such views. Questions
involving discrimination by the university administration are handled
by inquiring whether a slightly inferior man might be promoted ahead
of his more capable but "unconventional" colleague, and specific in-
stances are requested.
Outside influences are considered when the respondent is asked if,
within the past six or seven years, the university administration has
been subject to more pressure from the regents, the alumni, the local
community, the Legislature, or "local politicians."
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 79
The closing question in Part 2 inquires who is most influential in
determining questions of academic freedom : the regents, the president,
the deans, heads of departments, faculty, or students.
Section 3 commences by putting questions about the admitted
Communist, the respondent being asked whether such a person should
be fired from a defense plant, a store, a university. The same questions
are then asked concerning a man who swears to a congressional com-
mittee that he has never been a Communist. Then comes a significant
inquiry asking whether the respondent regards American Communists
"a very great danger" to the country, "a great danger, some danger,
hardly any, or no danger. ' ' Then whether any of these students organi-
zations should be allowed on the campus: "Young Democratic Club,
Young Republican Club, Students for Democratic Action, the Young
Socialist League, Young Communist League."
This is followed by narrowing the scope of a previous question about
whether an open Communist should be fired from the university; this
one asking if such an admitted party member should be permitted to
teach any of the Social Sciences. There are also some subquestions to
further explore the respondent's attitude in this field: he is asked
whether he regards the admitted Communist as virtually the same as
any other teacher with unorthodox ideas — (a member of a world-wide
Fascist movement to subvert the United States, we presume, would be
a teacher with "unorthodox" ideas) ; or only as a source of embarrass-
ment to the university; that he is not fit to be a teacher; that he is a
dangerous person to place in contact with the students. Then comes
another peculiarly -worded inquiry: "Do you think there is a definite
advantage in having a teacher with radical or nonconformist views on
the social science faculty here, or do you think that is a luxury at best,
which this faculty cannot afford?" We believe the wording of this
question is so obvious in purport that it requires no further comment.
The respondent is then requested to evaluate the degree of his own
liberal attitude — whether he is more liberal or conservative than the
regents, than most of the administration, most of the faculty, most of
the alumni, most of the community where the university is located.
And, unless he turns out to be on an even keel with all of these groups,
he is asked if he hasn't felt some pressures nudging him toward con-
formity with them.
The rest of the questions in this third and last section of the ques-
tionnaire deal mainly with factual data such as family status, employ-
ment record, religion, race, social contacts, politics and voting record.
But, sandwiched into these is this one: "How many times in the past
year, if at all, has a representative from the F. B. I. talked with you —
for any purpose?"
We have isolated many of these questions because they seem to us
very significant ; and we have discussed this project of the Fund for the
Republic on the University of California campus because it emphasizes
the point we made earlier. It is this: the ultra-liberal educators who
80 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
profess to be so grimly determined to preserve academic integrity, have
no compunction whatever about adopting one set of standards to apply
to projects such as this launched by the Fund for the Republic, the
American Civil Liberties Union, and other such groups, and an entirely
different set of standards for the F. B. I., legislative committees, and
other official groups that are endeavoring to carry out their duties to
protect our institutions against destruction by the forces of subversion.
When, as we have pointed out, the simple arrangement whereby this
committee agreed to co-operate with the university in an attempt to
protect it against infiltration was announced, we were met with a blast
of outraged protest from these ultra-liberals, enthusiastically abetted
by the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California, and the
tactics that were employed were so unethical that some of the directors
of the latter organization wrote it letters of indignation. The attack
came to nothing, really; but it does demonstrate most forcibly the
lengths to which this highly active group will go to prevent any at-
tempt, however restrained and objective, to investigate subversion by
any official agency. If representatives of the State Legislature had pre-
sumed to enter upon the campus of the state university with a 27-page
questionnaire asking questions about the extent of subversive infiltra-
tion and influence in the university, there would have been an immedi-
ate expression of outrage and indignation and accusations that we
were battering away at the institution's academic freedom.
But when the Fund for the Eepublic appeared three years after our
co-operative arrangement with the university was announced and
launched its survey, there was no resentment. The project was quietly
accepted, resulted in interviews conducted with many faculty members
along the lines heretofore set forth, and provided the Fund for the
Republic, (or anyone else who might have access to its records), with
a wealth of information that we will analyze below. We are aware that
many faculty members at the university refused to answer any of these
questions, did not in any way co-operate with the project, and resented
the intrusion into their affairs and the taking of their time by this
wholly gratuitous and unofficial project.
In the process of asking members of the faculty at the state university
to give information about each other and about the administration,
this questionnaire could provide the Fund for the Republic with in-
formation resulting from a winnowing through the faculty, separating
conservatives from liberals, and breaking down the most liberal groups
into degrees. It would thus be possible to isolate all faculty members
who — to take the most ' ' progressive ' ' respondents — believe that they are
justified in determining whether they should co-operate with the F. B. I.
when asked about students' loyalty, or wheather they should deliber-
ately withhold such information about the students' subversive past,
thereby arrogating to themselves the right to substitute their own
judgment as laymen for that of security experts. Having thus lumped
together all faculty members who would go this far, the Fund for the
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 81
Republic could add all those who believe that American Communists
are wholly innocuous; that Communist Party members should be al-
lowed to teach young students and freely bombard them with Com-
munist propaganda; that the university should avail itself of the
"luxury" of hiring teachers with radical views and scattering them
throughout the social science subjects; that the Young Communist
League should be allowed to function on the campus with some liberal
professors as its advisors.
This questionnaire makes no bones about boring into the situation so
far as curricula are concerned and delving into teaching methods, re-
search projects and attitudes of faculty members towards all of the
security precautions taken by the administration. It does not hesitate
to question the respondents about each other, but infers very pointedly
that similar scrutiny and questions by official agencies in the course of
their duties is reprehensible, and that the administration should main-
tain no files on the subversive background of its employees because this
would worry the employees too much and possibly interfere with their
academic freedom.
Professors Refuse to Co-operate with F. 8. /.
Three years after this questionnaire was circulated by the Fund for
the Republic, and the questions about the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation were adroitly planted, the Northern Section of the Academic
Senate of the University of California announced that thenceforth the
university professors at Berkeley would flatly refuse to co-operate with
the Federal Bureau of Investigation in all cases where inquiries were
made about the loyalty of students who were being considered for
federal jobs. According to an article which appeared in an East Bay
newspaper 31 the Northern Section of the University of California
Academic Senate expressed the idea that freedom of discussion in the
classroom would suffer if students realized their beliefs might affect
their future employment by government or in private business. The
Northern Section of the Academic Senate, which has jurisdiction over
all faculty members at the Berkeley, Davis and San Francisco cam-
puses of the university, adopted this gag rule on October 28, 1958. A
part of its resolution reads as follows :
"This faculty asserts that freedom of discussion in the classroom
and in academic consultation is fundamental to higher education.
The essential freedom of the university can be seriously jeopard-
ized if argument and expression of opinion are inhibited, par-
ticularly in those subjects which are held controversial in some
quarters and in some moments of history.
Therefore, reports by a teacher concerning the beliefs, at-
titudes, activities, and the associations of a student regarding
religion, politics, and public affairs in general, are not permissible
31 Oakland Tribune, Oct. 29, 1958.
82 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
when the reports are based on information acquired by the teacher
in the course of instruction or in the course of other student-teacher
relations that involve the student's academic program."
The article points out that this rule was originally proposed by a
member of the Speech Department, Professor David Eynin, at a meet-
ing of the Academic Senate on May 20, 1958, the matter thereafter
being referred to its Committee on Academic Freedom. It is to be
noted at this juncture that the authority to make such rulings had been
delegated to the Academic Senate by the University's Board of Regents.
Not all of the professors were happy with the adoption of this refusal
to co-operate with the United States Government in its effort to protect
itself against internal subversion, since some of the 50 voting members
opposed the proposal strenuously. Professor Warren H. Giedt, Associ-
ate Professor of Mechanical Engineering, declared that the measure
would create a conflict of basic loyalties and that he would feel re-
sponsible to inform the government about a student whose classroom
comments and activities indicated that he was a security risk.
"As a citizen," declared Professor Giedt, "I have a responsi-
bility to the government. If we adopt this Resolution do we not
go contrary to our fundamental responsibility?"
Professor Andreas G. Papandreou, of the Department of Economics,
declared that the enactment of such a measure would notify the govern-
ment that if it wanted information about the loyalty of students it
would have to seek it through other means. Professor Frank C. New-
man, of the Law School, actually presented the resolution in his ca-
pacity as Chairman of the Academic Senate Committee on Academic
Freedom. There was a 90-minute discussion, and in extolling the merits
of the resolution, Newman stated :
"If it were generally known by students that their political
and religious freedom to disclose beliefs, to express attitudes, to
recount activities, and to refer to associations did not protect them
from loyalty response to loyalty-security inquiries, many students,
in the classroom and in academic consultation, would apply rules
of caution differing markedly from the rule of free inquiry that
we now tend to take for granted.
Many loyalty-security inquiries — whether they related to gov-
ernment employment, private employment, military service, or
other affected occupations — call for evidence . . . that a university
should not supply if it aspires to be a free university," the com-
mittee 's report stated.
"To preserve the essential freedom of the university, your com-
mittee submits that freedom of communication both in the class-
room and in academic consultation must not be violated by the
teacher. ' '
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 83
Newman informed the Academic Senate that his committee will pre-
sent proposals for administering the resolution, and declared that the
situation would be eased if university officials would get the word to
investigators that a new principle has been adopted at the University
of California under which a faculty member could not say whether a
student is or is not a security risk. He would have to state that uni-
versity rides forbid him from answering.
Some of the most articulate and emphatic opponents of this measure
were Marine Colonel James Wilbur and Professor Denzel R. Carr,
Chairman of the Department of Oriental Languages. Col. Wilbur de-
clared that ' ' activities and associations of students that can be observed
should be reported." Professor Carr pleaded with his associates to
"have a little common sense to protect our society from Communism."
Who Runs the State University?
Thus we have the ultimate amplification of the Fund for the Republic
questionnaire in an action by what we presume must be a somewhat
liberal element in the faculty of the University of California at Berke-
ley. The northern section of the Academic Senate has now undertaken
to establish regulations for the conduct of the university business with
the representatives of the state and federal governments, and has in-
formed the university administration that it should get the word to
investigators that is has adopted a new principle at the state university.
What this situation actually amounts to is a defiant statement by
employees of the State of California that they will flatly refuse to
reveal their knowledge of subversive affiliations and activities on the
part of their students to authorized official representatives of the federal
and state governments who are specifically charged with the gathering
of precisely that type of information. To suggest that this sort of
defiant attitude on the part of a large segment of the faculty of the
state university needs immediate attention on the part of the Legis-
lature and the university administration seems to us the understate-
ment of the year. The Board of Regents of the university has already
adopted a token statement to the effect that it doesn't believe the
university should be pro-Communist. This seems a peculiar way to
implement this declaration of anti-Communism on the part of the
university regents, in suffering its faculty to thwart the activities of
the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
If these state employees are permitted to thus defy the agents of our
government, perhaps the practice could be spread to all of the other
state employees. There is no reason why university teachers should
have any particular monopoly on this sort of defiance. Then if the
other states and territories would adopt a similar attitude on the part
of all of their employees, the Federal Bureau of Investigation could
devote all of its time to catching bank robbers, kidnappers, fugitives,
and the other criminals, and leave the matter of determining loyalty to
the Fund for the Republic, The American Civil Liberties Union and
84 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
the northern section of the Academic Senate of the University of Cali-
fornia. If it would be wrong for all universities and schools throughout
the United States to adopt such a defiant attiude, then certainly the
measure is equally wrong for the faculty of the northern campuses of
the state university.
Stalin once declared that it took many men to build a bridge but
only one to blow it up. It also requires the combined efforts of many
people to prepare a student for college and only one to ruin him after
he gets there. As these young people are drawn deeper into the Com-
munist movement they gradually but inevitably lose all their warm,
precious human traits so carefully inculcated at home, and acquire
in their place the typical hard, cynical, materialistic, atheistic qualities
that characterize all indoctrinated party members. If the co-operative
efforts of the educational institutions and this committee can prevent
one student from being thus indoctrinated each year, then the effort is,
in our view, more than justified for that reason alone.
There has never been any mass infiltration by Communists of any
of our educational institutions in California. There has been, and we
anticipate there will continue to be, a persistent Communist effort to
penetrate these institutions for the purpose of developing leadership
and replacing the fall-out of party members that we have already
described.
During the period of the party's open activity in the United States
its youth organization was simply known as the Young Communist
League, but when there came a gradual awareness on the part of the
public concerning the real nature of Communism this organization
changed its name to the American Youth for Democracy, and in more
recent years to the Labor Youth League. Dennis James, a former active
member of this organization, described it in testimony before the House
Committee on Un-American Activities and pointed out that since the
entire party apparatus had gone underground the danger was much
greater than it had been during the period of open activity.
The Labor Youth League, according to Mr. James, was used by the
Communist Party to obtain signatures for the Stockholm Peace Peti-
tions to discontinue atomic tests, and petitions asking for an immediate
ceasefire during the Korean war ; for the collection of food and clothing
for strikers that were supported by the Communist Party, and for selec-
tion to attend indoctrination classes in the Communist School in New
York — the Jefferson School of Social Science. It will be remembered that
it was Professor Walter Gelhorn who taught at this institution and who
was the editor-in-chief of a series which included a book attacking this
committee several years ago. Mr. James declared that "* * * I know
in 1952, when I disassociated myself from the Labor Youth League, I
felt that the danger was serious because the activities were now under-
ground and could not be detected as easily as in the past. ' ' 32
32 House Committee on Un-American Activities, Hearings, pp. 2828-2829.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 85
It is very easy for educators and other laymen who have had no prac-
tical experience in the actual techniques of the Communist Party to say
it is a simple thing for a man to be a Communist and also teach objec-
tively. Complete refutation of this naive attitude is found in experiences
of people who have been both teachers and Communists. Louis Budenz,
exmember of the National Committee of the Communist Party, and
formerly editor of its New York publication, the Daily Worker, has
written a book called "The Techniques of Communism," and in a
chapter entitled, "Invading Education," he has this to say:
"In the classroom, the Communist teacher or professor very
rarely, if ever, teaches Marxism-Leninism openly. There are hun-
dreds of indirect ways of reaching the same end. Books by Howard
Fast,33 the author who has refused to state whether or not he would
fight against the Communists if drafted, are proposed as suggested
or recommended readings. The works and statements of many
other 'authorities' who invariably take a pro-Soviet position,
such as Professor Frederick L. Schuman of Williams College, can
be freely used. The Ked instructor has many other 'non-Com-
munist' sources to draw on — those leading figures in public lif 3
who always follow the Communist line and whom Stalin has
designated as the 'reserves' the conspiracy should call upon. An
entire syllabus which would inevitably lead a student to embrace
Marxism-Leninism or to be sympathetic to the Communist line,
can be drawn up without one notably or openly Stalinite reference
in it.
Building on that foundation, the Communist teacher or pro-
fessor notes the pupil or student most susceptible to pro-Red ideas.
This student is cultivated privately, with a view to drawing him
toward the conspiracy. In like manner, colleagues on the faculty
who indicate sympathy for pro-Communist ideas are influenced by
personal association to join the Communist Party. The influence
of the teacher who is committed to Marxism-Leninism goes far
beyond these contacts — into Parent-Teachers Associations (often
working behind the scenes with Communists in those groups), in
the preparation of books, the presentation of lectures, the voicing
of opinions, the raising of finances for the conspiracy. ' ' 34
Elsewhere in the same work, Mr. Budenz states:
' ' We must constantly remind ourselves, as Dr. Dodd and I agree,
that two or three Communists on any faculty are normally enough
to dominate the school or campus. They do not act alone, but have
aid from the outside. They work under the directives of Communist
functionaries who seek out ways to influence trustees of the college
involved or members of the Board of Education. It is not unusual
that certain men of wealth on a board of trustees gives protection
88 Howard Fast, the author of Citizen Tom Paine and other party line publications,
has recently broken from the Communist Party and has written a book, The Naked
God, in which he exposes the stranglehold on writers who publish while members
of the Communist Party.
** "The Techniques of Communism," by Louis F. Budenz. Henry Regnery Co., Chicago,
1954, p. 210.
86 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
to the subversives on the faculty, to the detriment of those who are
genuinely patriotic; these trustees being influenced by the cries
of academic freedom, by a gross ignorance of the Communist
methods, by personal considerations, or by partisan interests.
Beyond all this, the Communists on the faculty have the loud
support of specific organizations in the community which other
concealed Communists infiltrate and control. Nor do the Reds
hesitate to resort to whispering campaigns against the character of
an opponent, which frequently terrorize non-Communist teachers
or professors. This goes far beyond the outspoken cry of *Mc-
Carthyite'; it extends into sly and organized gossip, reflecting on
the work, the morals, and the integrity under attack because of his
patriotic position. Here, again, the gangster character of the Com-
munist philosophy, carried on by nongangsters, serves as a potent
weapon. When to all of this we add the ease with which the sub-
versives can persuade the champions of progressive education to
come to their aid, the formidable character of even a small number
of Communists can be properly mentioned. It is in this manner
that the Reds, working through the Teachers' Union (which re-
ceived high praise in the report of the Party's Cultural Commis-
sion), were able to wield great influence in the elementary and high
schools." *
In concluding this section of the report, your committee again wishes
to point out that while the Communist infiltration of the state's school
system has abated since 1952, the problem is an ever-present one. The
co-operation that this committee has received from most of the large
school systems and universities has been most encouraging, and the re-
sults of that co-operative effort have been met with even more success
than we anticipated. Indeed, we may close this section on a note of
pride by quoting two sources that have taken notice of the California
system for preventing infiltration of educational institutions, one from
the state of Ohio and the other from Washington, D. C.
In a document entitled "Procedural Analysis and Plan for Correct-
ing an Involved Situation in a State University," by Dr. William E.
Warner, Chairman of the Ohio Coalition of Patriotic Societies, this
statement appears :
"Basic Plan of Correction. This will take time and while diffi-
cult to accomplish, must be based on a continuing analysis like that
outlined above. Several States in addition to the Congress, operate
or have had Un-American Activities Commissions, as please see the
list in Appendix II of the Maryland (Ober Law) Report of Jan-
uary, 1949. California has the best State program."
* The author is here referring to the infiltration of the Teachers' Union of New York,
an organization which was party controlled, and in which Dr. Dodd was an in-
fluential officer.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 87
From an official Washington source we find the following:
' ' The subcommittee makes the following recommendations :
' ' That educational authorities give consideration to the establish-
ment of criteria and the initiation of procedures whereby schools,
colleges and the universities can eliminate teachers who have
demonstrated their unsuitability to teach, because of their collabo-
ration with the Communist conspiracy.
That states and educational institutions give consideration to
the program adopted oy the State of California, and the several
colleges and universities therein, which, recognizing that subversion
in the educational process is a matter of public concern, has put
into operation a program that provides for a reservoir of security
information, the free exchange of security information between
colleges and legislative committees, and means whereby the facili-
ties and powers of state agencies are made of service to educational
institutions.
That school authorities, colleges, and local Boards of educa-
tion initiate positive programs under qualified experts in the field
of combatting Communism, to teach both teachers and school
pupils the nature of the Communist conspiracy that is attacking
the whole structure of society. ' ' 35
INFILTRATION OF LABOR
As a prelude to the Russian Revolution the seeds of revolt were first
sprinkled among the workers in the oil fields of Baku, in the Putilov
locomotive works, in factories, in shops ; from one group to another the
fervor of revolution ran like an electric current, gathering momentum
as it went, galvanizing them into action. Dropping their tools, deserting
their posts, they left their jobs by thousands and hundreds of thousands.
From the factories and the fields poured the torrent of artists, farmers
and peasants. Armed with crude weapons they manned the barricades,
jammed the streets, and stormed the government buildings.
All vital work ceased. The life of the country was paralyzed. This
great mass of humanity, having been regimented by centuries of oppres-
sion was now seething with a frenzy of relief and defiance as the heavy
burden was finally lifted. Their contagion ultimately spread to seg-
ments of the Czar 's armed forces that deserted and turned their weap-
ons against their still-loyal superiors. By then the vital arteries of
transportation and communication had been cut and the downfall of
the government was inevitable.
This revolution of October, 1917, was no carefully planned, shrewdly
devised occurrence. On the contrary, it was the result of disturbances
that had been pointing towards such a climax for many years. The
Russian masses had been inured to oppression but they never lost their
natural desire for freedom and personal dignity. There had been many
86 Subversive Influence in the Educational Process, Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on
Internal Security, op. cit., p. 29.
88 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
other attempts at revolt, all quickly crushed by the swords and whips
and guns of the Cossacks, and the even deadlier information gathered
by the Czar's Ochrana, or secret police. Our most eminent authorities,
Secretary Dulles and Dr. Julian Towster among them, have pointed
out that man is governed not only by rules of his own devising,
but by great immutable laws that he is powerless to rescind or amend,
and that these basic natural laws cannot be violated with impunity.
No group of people can be permanently ruled by terror, deprived of the
attributes of human dignity, forced to toil like machines for the benefit
of the State, and to exist in a melancholy atmosphere of ignorance and
subjugation. These conditions may be imposed for a considerable time,
but the longer they exist the stronger become their counter-forces, until
eventually such a regime must either be relaxed or destroyed entirely.
The masses of restive people approaching the revolutionary climax after
years of oppression need only a tiny spark to set off the chain reaction.
In 1917, the Bolshevik leaders provided that spark. But the masses of
organized Russian workers, won the revolution.
We cite this historical material to emphasize the importance world
Communist leaders have always placed on the concentrated infiltration
of organized labor as the first vital prerequisite to revolution. Lenin
never lost sight of this cardinal principle, nor did Trotsky, nor Stalin,
nor any of their successors including Khrushchev. In the European
countries, in the Balkans, in China, in the Middle East and Latin
America, in Africa, and certainly in our own country, this steady
penetration of labor organizations has gone forward. The logic of the
strategy is obvious, but will not apply as readily in a free and pros-
perous country. Hence, the infiltration continues and undercover Com-
munists are moved into strategic positions to patiently wait for the
development of a ''revolutionary situation." A severe economic depres-
sion is a " revolutionary situation " ; so is a widespread epidemic or any
other misfortune that renders a nation particularly susceptible. Then
the small, solidly entrenched party members, in their positions of
authority, spring into action and the strikes are commenced ; transpor-
tation, communication, food production, the utilities, all are paralyzed.
And if the tiny sparks sets off the chain reaction, then the angry tide
of revolution is unleashed.
This precise technique has been successfully employed in a number
of countries now under Communist control, and one after another we
see this creeping menace expanding itself. If the revolutionary situa-
tions do not come fast enough, then they are accelerated by Com-
munist propaganda, by infiltration of government positions, by all of
the complicated devices and techniques that the world Communist move-
ment has brought to such a high degree of perfection and employed
with such ingenuity. And while all of this activity is progressing, there
is an equal if not greater degree of action in the murky realms of the
underground where espionage and sabotage are taking place day by
day; and despite the astounding apathy of the American people, the
tragic documentation of this penetration of our most sensitive areas
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 89
can be had for the asking by writing to the Government Printing Office
in Washington, D. C, and requesting the reports of the House Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities and the Senate Judiciary Subcom-
mittee on Internal Security dealing with these matters. It is not the
business of this committee to investigate espionage, but occasionally in
the performance of our specified duties we have run across such
activities and have invariably submitted the information to the proper
authorities for the appropriate action.
The Profintern
In March, 1919, the Communist International (Comintern) was
established in Moscow. All foreign parties were affiliated to it as sub-
ordinate sections, bound by the conditions to which they were obliged
to agree at the time of their affiliation. Comintern representatives, such
as Gerhardt Eisler who functioned for several years in this country,
were sent to all parts of the world for the purpose of making sure that
the international Communist party line was meticulously obeyed and
that the work was progressing according to plan. When the Comintern
was exposed as the high board of strategy for a world Communist revo-
lution, it was ' ' dissolved, ' ' but like many Communist fronts and other
party organizations, the change was one in name only and the opera-
tions of the far-flung Communist apparatus were continued as before.
No better example of the closely co-ordinated activity of infiltration,
directed from the Soviet Union, can be found than that which occured
in the Latin American countries. In Mexico the story is particularly
fascinating, and once the Soviet base of operations had been established
in Mexico City, it was only a matter of time before the tentacles were
extended into South America and the trade union organizations of the
South American countries were heavily infiltrated.
The Comintern even had an entire division, which was called the
"Profintern," devoted to nothing but the handling of this infiltration of
trade unions in the various non-Communist countries throughout the
world. It had its own organizational structure with the authority com-
ing from the apex of the triangle down toward the base, as is the custom
in all Communist organizations. We shall briefly trace its history in the
United States as a prerequisite to obtaining the necessary perspective
for understanding the present Communist infiltration of trade union
organizations in our own state.
The Profintern fared better in Europe and Latin America than in
Great Britain and the United States, but efforts were redoubled in
these latter countries. The Russians believed that the strategy used
so successfully in their own country would be infallible elsewhere. But
there were no Cossacks, no Czarists secret police, no rule by terror and
no mass oppression of workers in England and America. So when the
Communists in this country were bluntly ordered to take over the
American Federation of Labor and actually tried to do so, the result
was only to arouse the wrath of union leadership. There were very
90 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
few American "peasants" to stir up, but Moscow ordered the party
in this country to start stirring, nevertheless. These early failures would
seem funny, but by 1935 the situation had been shrewdly analyzed.
During the twenties the Russian revolutionary leaders were provincial
and had little contact with — and virtually no understanding of — the
outside world. This was quickly remedied, and when the delegates from
the Communist Parties of the world assembled in Moscow to attend
the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International, that
organization was prepared to change its tactics to suit the situations in
the various foreign countries. The Comintern Secretary, Georgi Di-
mitroff, read a long speech which described the new strategy to be used
in inaugurating the United Front movement throughout the world,
and the Trojan Horse tactic of heavily infiltrating non-Communist or-
ganizations, principally labor unions, with secret Communist Party
members.
This was the beginning of the United Front. It was, as we have said,
signalized by almost feverish party activity in the United States. Hun-
dreds of front organizations sprang into existence to spread the party
line, to disseminate Marxian propaganda, to create a corps of fellow
travelers and to provide a medium through which new recruits could
be added to the party membership. William Z. Foster, now the chairman
of the Communist Party of the United States, has always led the fight
to infiltrate American trade unions. He was the head of the Trade Union
Unity League through which an attempt was made to carry out Mos-
cow's orders for the taking over of the American Federation of Labor.
Foster had been a Socialist, a member of the International Workers
of the World, a labor organizer, a fomentor of strikes and riots, and
has been a member of the Communist Party since the twenties. His
Trade Union League (then known as the Trade Union Educational
League) issued a statement of its program and principles in February,
1922, removing any lingering doubt about its political complexion, its
adherence to the Profintern and its purposes so far as American labor
was concerned. It read, in part, as follows :
"The Trade Union Educational League proposes to develop the
trade unions from their present antiquated and stagnant condition
into modern, powerful labor organizations, capable of waging suc-
cessful warfare against capital. To this end it is working to revamp
and to remodel from top to bottom their theories, tactics, structure
and leadership. * * * The league aggressively favors organization
by industry instead of by craft. Although the craft form of union
served a useful purpose in the early days of capitalism, it is now
entirely out of date. In the face of the great consolidations of the
employers the workers must also close their ranks or be crushed.
The multitude of craft unions must be amalgamated into a series
of industrial unions — one each for the metal trades, railroad trades,
clothing trades, building trades, etc. — even as they have been in
other countries. The league also aims to put the workers of America
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 91
in contact with the fighting trade unionists of the rest of the
world. It is flatly opposed to our present pitiful policy of isolation,
and it advocates affiliation to the militant international trade union
movement, known as the Red International of Labor Unions. The
league is campaigning against the reactionaries, incompetents, and
crooks who occupy strategic positions in many of our organizations.
It is striking to replace them with militants, with men and women
unionists who look upon the labor movement not as a means for
making an easy living, but as an instrument for the achievement
of working class emancipation. In other words, the league is work-
ing in every direction necessary to put life and spirit and power
into the trade union movement." (Committee's emphasis.)30
It was easy to see why Foster and his comrades were in favor of
industrial organization. It was far easier to plant a small nucleus of
concealed Communists in positions of control in a mass labor organiza-
tion and thereby dominate its policies and conformance to the Commu-
nist party line than it was to infiltrate dozens of small trade unions
and accomplish the same purpose in each. The Communist Party has
never had sufficient members to waste their talents, and it has there-
fore invariably followed the strategy of patiently working its most
talented members into positions of control where, in government, in
education, in the entertainment world, in the creative arts, and in
the trade unions, it can use a relatively tiny membership to control
much larger non-Communist organizations.
This same technique has been employed in the Soviet domination of
every Iron Curtain country, first the infiltration and softening up pro-
cess, then the propaganda and conditioning of the masses, and then the
sudden eruption of the party into open activity with its own trusted
members running the vital processes of the government : education, com-
munications, transportation, production of food stuff, the armed forces
and the secret police. In the United States, as we shall see, this pattern
has been followed religiously by the American Communists with remark-
able zest in their relentless effort to be in a position to exercise the nec-
essary strength when the revolutionary situation develops.
Revolutionary Situations
There was such a revolutionary situation that developed in the
thirties, when a widespread depression swept the country and forced
hundreds of thousands of unemployed on the relief roles. Immediately
there was a surge of increased Communist activity. In San Francisco we
saw it in the bloody general strike of 1934, and we continued to experi-
ence its influences with the operation of the State, County and Munici-
pal Workers of America and the Workers Alliance collaborating with
Labor's Non-partisan League to secure political control of the State in
the general elections, and in the amazingly successful infiltration of
many of our trade unions during the late thirties and early forties.
89 American Trade Unionism, Principles and Organizations, Strategy and Tactics, by-
William Z. Foster, International Publishers, New York, 1947, p. 80, 81.
92 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
We need only cite, once again (but we believe this cannot be ham-
mered home with sufficient emphasis), the complete proof of great
trade unions being forced to obey the international party line when the
situation required such a change for the benefit of the Soviet Union.
The non-aggression pact between the Soviet Union and Hitler was con-
summated in August of 1939. From that time until June 22, 1941, there
was a spirit of friendliness and co-operation between the Germans and
the Russians. Suddenly, with the signing of that pact, American labor
unions that had been infiltrated by the Communists began to hamper the
American defense effort. An epidemic of strikes spread across the
country, and it is to be carefully noted that they were principally
launched by the most strategic unions, those that had to do with the
maritime industry, the production of critical ores and metals, the
transportation of critical goods, the conduct of secret research projects
along scientific lines, mass communications, and production of food
stuffs. The party line was to keep America out of the war, to campaign
against universal military service and draft, and to spread the Commu-
nist party slogan, "The Yanks Are Not Coming!"
Then on June 22, 1941, the German armies rolled across the borders
of the Soviet Union. The nonaggression pact was violated, Russia was
drawn into the conflict, and overnight the party line of the American
Communists reversed itself. Now the slogan was for the immediate
opening of a second front and an all-out effort on the part of the unions
to produce the sinews of war in this country for the benefit of the
Soviet Union. Immediately there was a significant serenity on the
labor front. There were no more strikes such as the bloody affair at
North American Aviation Company at Inglewood, which actually was
being masterminded by the Communist Party from a strategic vantage
point in Alameda County.
Let those who now naively contend that there is no more danger from
the Communists in this country consider carefully the enormous influ-
ence the American Communists wielded in completely changing the atti-
tude of these significant trade unions overnight when the exigencies of
the Soviet Union demanded such a change. The power to summarily
turn off a widespread epidemic of strikes that was beginning to paralyze
the defense effort of the nation is certainly an indication that in the
early forties the Communists of this country had made astounding
progress in their infiltration of labor.
According to Foster, the Communist Party, the Young Communist
League, and the Trade Union Unity League collaborated with a great
many other Communist-dominated organizations for the purpose of
staging unemployment demonstrations, strikes, hunger marches and
pressure groups during the depression of the 1930 's. Fifteen hundred
delegates attended the national unemployed convention in Chicago dur •
ing the summer of 1930 ; 400,000 demonstrated at the National Unem-
ployment Insurance Day on February 25, 1931 ; 500,000 workers staged
another demonstration in February, 1932, and in December, 1931, 1,800
delegates participated in a national hunger march to Washington, D. C,
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 93
which was followed by a second demonstration of the same character on
December 6, 1932, with 3,000 delegates in Washington and an estimated
one million participants in various cities.37
"The strikes of 1934 to 1936," declared Foster, "took on the
most acute political character of any in the history of the United
States. Against the violent opposition of the A.F. of L. leaders, the
political mass strike, long a cardinal point in the Communist
Party's agitation, became an established weapon of the American
working class. The workers fought with splendid heroism and
solidarity in the face of the Government, tricky union leaders, and
an unprecedented use of troops, police, gunmen, and vigilantes
among them. ' ' 38
It is a peculiar coincidence, and one that played into the hands of
Communist organizers, that at the same the Seventh Congress of the
Comintern was convened in the Soviet Union in 1935, the C.I.O. was
launched in the United States. Here was just the type of industrial
organization that William Foster had longed for. John L. Lewis, long
noted for his vitriolic and forthright attacks against all things Commu-
nist, was now surrounded by concealed party members who flocked into
the newly organized industrial movement by the hundreds. Fanning out
through the top echelons of the organization shortly after its crea-
tion, these undercover party members dug themselves in tightly at the
command posts and within a few years managed to so concentrate their
influence that they forced John Lewis out of the organization he had
created and took it over, lock, stock and barrel. All of the A.F. of L.
unions that had been successfully infiltrated left that organization and
aligned themselves with the C.I.O. The American Newspaper Guild not
only affiliated but was to provide a member who, after working for a
time on a Los Angeles newspaper, was elevated to command the entire
C.I.O. organization on the Pacific Coast. By July, 1941, the C.I.O.
Union membership stood at 4,000,000, was solidly entrenched in ac-
tivities closely linked with our national security, and was actually more
important to the vital interest of this country than the A.F. of L. from
which it was spawned.
Following is a partial list of the unions that suffered particularly
from Communist infection. We should note carefully how this handful
of Communist organizers was able to get a stranglehold on segments of
labor essential for the very preservation of our country through the
techniques that were tried out in the Russian revolution of 1917, per-
fected by trial and error in the United States, and brought to a high
degree of perfection following the Seventh Congress of the Comintern
in 1935, and the penetration of the C.I.O. They were: National Mari-
time Union ; Transport Workers Union ; Aircraft and Machinists Divi-
sion of the United Automobile Workers ; Die-Casters Association ;
American Communications Association ; International Longshoremen
"American Trade Unionism, op. cit., p. 192.
88 American Trade Unionism, op. cit., p. 197.
94 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
and Warehousemens Union; International Woodworkers Union;
American Newspaper Guild; United Electrical, Radio and Machinists
Union; Farm Equipment Organizing Committee; State, County and
Municipal Workers Union; United Tannery Workers Union; Packing-
house Workers Organizing Committee ; Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers
Union; United Office and Professional Workers Union; Book and
Magazine Guild; Quarry Workers Union; Fishermens Union; Furni-
ture Workers Union; sections of the United Federal Workers of
America; Fur Workers Union; sections of the Aluminum Workers;
Federation of Architects, Chemists, Engineers and Technicians ; Artists
Union; United Shoe Workers Union; Retail and Wholesale Workers,
Local 65 ; Inland Boatmens Union ; Marine Cooks and Stewards Union ;
United Cannery Agricultural, Packing and Allied Workers of America ;
C.I.O. Industrial Councils of Greater New York, Queens, Chicago.
Cleveland, Milwaukee, Seattle, Portland, San Francisco, Los Angeles,
Bridgeport, Baltimore, etc.; also, State Industrial Councils (C.I.O.) of
Connecticut, California, Wisconsin, Texas, Washington; Alabama
Farmers Union; Local 5 of Teachers Union, A.F. of L. (expelled);
Local 537 College Teachers Union, A.F. of L. (expelled) ; A.F. of L.
Painters District Council No. 9, New York; Workers Alliance; Gas &
Chemical Workers Union.39
World Federation of Trade Unions
In February, 1945, representatives of 60,000,000 trade union mem-
bers gathered in London and formed the World Federation of Trade
Unions. During the latter part of the year an implementing meeting
was held in Paris and an organization was set up comprising a presi-
dent, a general secretary and three assistant general secretaries who
presided over an elaborate hierarchy of subordinate organizations and
departments. Permanent headquarters was established in Paris, and
the movement got off to an enthusiastic start, supported mainly by
the Soviet Union and its satellites. The C. I. O. was originally a mem-
ber of the movement, but later withdraw and charged that the organi-
zation was Communist dominated from its inception. This was not
difficult to detect, and as time went on evidence of complete Communist
domination was overwhelming. The American Federation of Labor
denounced the organization from its inception and representatives of
the C. I. O., after attending a few meetings, arrived at the same
conclusion.
The World Federation of Trade Unions operates through five
bureaus. Bureau No. 1 comprises the countries of North and South
America, Spain and Portugal; Bureau No. 2, the territories of Africa
and the Mediterranean (Greece, Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine,
Israel, Egypt and Cyprus) ; Bureau No. 3, the countries of Western
Europe and the Scandinavian countries (including Iceland, Germany,
39 The Red Decade; the Stalinist Penetration of America, by Eugene Lyons, the
Bobbs-Merrill Co., New York, 1941, pp. 229, 230.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 95
Austria, Switzerland and Italy) ; Bureau No. 4, the countries of the
Middle East, Asia and Austro-Asian ; Bureau No. 5, the Soviet Union,
Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Albania, Rumania and Bulgaria.
This form of organization, together with the activities of the W. F.
T. U., corresponds roughly with the organizational structure and ac-
tivities of the Red International of Trade Unions that operated as a
subdivision of the Comintern. Close organizational and disciplinary
ties are maintained with all left-wing unions throughout the world, and
the effect of W. F. T. U. influence is particularly powerful in Mexico
and the Latin American countries.
In earlier reports we have occasionally referred to Vicente Lombardo
Toledano as the pro-Communist leader of the Mexican Federation of
Workers. When Vice-President Nixon visited several South American
countries a year ago he was insulted and harassed by organized dem-
onstrations that reflected the assiduous infiltration and planning that
was carried on in these countries through the joint efforts of the second
Soviet Ambassador to the United States and Vicente Lombardo
Toledano. Since 1945, the World Federation of Trade Unions has
played a major part in this massive attempt to dominate the trade
unions of the Latin American countries, and we believe that a descrip-
tion of the parts played in this operation by the Soviet Union, Vicente
Lombardo Toledano of Mexico, and the World Federation of Trade
Unions will not be amiss here since it points up the carefully synchro-
nized collaboration that is always evident between Communist domi-
nated elements.
Constantin Oumansky was the second Soviet Ambassador to the
United States. He had been trained in the Red Army, was a specialist
in intelligence operations, and had exhibited a peculiar flair for lan-
guages— being conversant with several, including Spanish. When it was
announced that he would be transferred from his position as Ambas-
sador in Washington and take a position as Ambassador to Mexico,
most laymen considered it a demotion. As a matter of fact, it was quite
the opposite since Oumansky was being groomed for a far more impor-
tant assignment. When he arrived at Mexico City with his inordinately
large staff, he made his initial speech to the assembled representatives
of the Latin American countries and the rest of the diplomatic corps,
and apologized to the Mexican people for his inability to address them
in their native tongue. He said that he had been studying Spanish,
and that on the next occasion he would address them in their own
language, although somewhat imperfectly.
After the lapse of an appropriate period of time, Mr. Oumansky
did deliver his second diplomatic address in somewhat halting Spanish,
and received the undying admiration of the entire Latin American
corps, not only because of his obvious ability in learning so much about
their language in such a short space of time, but even more because
he — unlike most of the other foreign diplomats — had taken the time
96 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
and trouble to pay this gracious courtesy. From that time on Ouman-
sky had very little difficulty in getting anything that he wanted within
reason. Vicente Lombardo Toledano was a constant visitor to the Soviet
Embassy, and he and Oumansky launched an organization known as
the Confederation of Latin American Workers, patterned after the
Federation of Mexican Workers. Units of this new organization were
planted throughout the South American countries, and so successful
was their penetration of mass trade union organizations throughout
South America that both Toledano and Oumansky were called upon
to make many trips for the purpose of addressing them and lending
leadership and direction to their activities. One morning Oumansky
was scheduled to leave the Mexico City Airport and fly to one of these
conferences. As his plane circled to gain altitude above the city there
was a violent explosion and it literally flew to pieces when it was about
400 feet from the ground. Everyone in the plane was killed. The
origin and nature of the explosion were never determined.
Since the death of Oumansky the ostensible leader of the Confedera-
tion of Latin American Workers has been Mr. Toledano, who is also
a Vice-President of the World Federation of Trade Unions. His Con-
federation of Mexican Workers sponsored the constitution of the Latin
American organization in 1938 and has been the "determinate influ-
ence in the development of the Latin American labor movement. ' ' 40
When some of the Communist dominated C. I. 0. unions were investi-
gated by the parent organization during the years extending from
1948 through 1950, and were expelled after extensive proceedings, they
immediately affiliated themselves with the World Federation of Trade
Unions. Those union organizations that were dealing in maritime ac-
tivities were particularly eager to make this affiliation, and chief among
them was the Marine Cooks & Stewards Union, which recently went
out of business and reopened its activities again under non-Communist
leadership. We have already referred to its former President, Hugh
Bryson, as having been the statewide director for the Independent
Progressive Party 's political campaign in 1948, and who was thereafter
convicted in a federal court for having sworn falsely concerning his
collaboration with the Communist Party in this state. The Commission
on Government Security, in its report issued in 1957, had this to say
about the Marine Cooks & Stewards Union:
"The Marine Cooks & Stewards Union in its own right today rep-
resents between three thousand and four thousand seamen serving in
the mess halls, galleys, and dining rooms aboard vessels plying be-
tween the Pacific Coast and the Far East. The union, in addition to
this source of strength and support, also has very close attachments
and support from the International Longshoremen and Warehouse-
men's Union headed by Harry Bridges. In a recent issue of the
union newspaper, when the leadership felt that threats were being
40 Report of Activity of the World Federation of Trade Unions, 15 October, 1945-
30 April, 1949. Presented to the Second World Trade Union Congress at Milan, 29
June-10 July, 1949, p. 91. 3 Rue des Cloys, Paris, XVIII.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 97
made about the way it operated its hiring hall, President Bryson
called upon the owners and the government to take heed of the
fact that not only did they face the Marine Cooks & Stewards
Union members, but also the possible strike sanction of the Long-
shoremen of the West Coast, and, in addition, the possible strike
sanction of Longshoremen in South Africa, Australia, and other
countries where other Longshoremen 's Unions are closely associated
with the World Federation of Trade Unions. ' ' 41
Thus it will be seen that some of the unions formerly in the C. I. 0.,
and expelled from that organization because they were found to be
Communist dominated, have since affiliated with the World Federation
of Trade Unions; and instead of securing a strike influence within
the relatively limited sphere of their former activity, they can now
be instrumental in launching strike activities throughout the entire
world.
Four years after the London meeting that created the World Feder-
ation of Trade Unions, another important international trade organ-
ization was established at a meeting in that city. Delegates came from
Africa, Asia, Europe, North and South America and the Carribean,
the only stipulation being that the workers in the countries represented
should be free to organize in unions of their own choice, and in some
instances in countries where freedom had been ground almost to ex-
tinction by the dictatorial nature of their governments. During the four
years that elapsed since the formation of the World Federation of Trade
Union and the 1949 meeting in London that we are now discussing
a great many of the original members of the W. F. T. U. had become
convinced that the organization was simply another creature of the
world Communist movement and resigned in order to affiliate with the
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. The latter organ-
ization is predominantly anti-Communist, is affiliated in a consultative
capacity with the United Nations and various regional economic com-
missions for Europe, Asia and Latin America, together with the Inter-
national Labor Organization at UNESCO. Permanent representatives
are maintained at- New York, Paris and Geneva, and the former Presi-
dent of the World Federation of Trade Unions, Mr. A. Deakin, of Great
Britain, is now serving as a vice-president of the International Confed-
eration of Free Trade Unions. Those from North America who are
listed as members of the executive board are : G. Meany, W. P. Reuther,
D. MacDonald, C. Jodoin, J. L. Lewis, M. Woll, J. Potofsky, C. H.
Millard, P. R. Bengough, P. Kennedy, I. Brown, M. Ross, F. W. Dow-
ling, G. J. Gushing and J. Owens.
Permanent headquarters is located in Brussels manned by a staff of
about 70 persons, branch offices being maintained in Paris, Geneva,
New York, Brussels, Mexico and Calcutta. Trade union organizations
affiliated directly to the I. C. F. T. U. are to be found in: Austria, Bel-
gium, the Basque Country (in exile), Cypress, Denmark, France, Ger-
u Report of the Commission on Government Security. Public Law 304, Eighty-fourth
Congress, as amended, June, 1957, p. 329.
98 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
many, Great Britain, Greece, Iceland, Italy, Luxemburg, Malta, Nether-
lands, Norway, Sarr, Spain (in exile), Sweden, Switzerland, Trieste,
British Cameroons, Gambia, Gold Coast, Kenya, Libya, Madagascar,
Mauripius, Sierra Leone, Tunisia, Ceylon, China (Formosa), Hong
Kong, India, Japan, Korea, Malaya, Pakistan, Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand, Israel, Lebanon, Persia, Canada, Mexico, United States, Brit-
ish Honduras, Costa Rica, Panama, Barbados, Cuba, Dominica, Gra-
nada, Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, St. Kitts-Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vin-
cent, Trinidad, Turks Islands, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, British
Guiana, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Falkland Islands, Peru, Surinam,
Uruguay, Venezuela, Australia and New Zealand.
These two great worldwide organizations, one pro-Communist and the
other anti-Communist, are pitted against each other in a struggle that
has received very little publicity, but which reaches into our own coun-
try and certainly into the pacific coast and California where its effects
are felt almost daily.
Philip M. Connelly
Probably the most influential single person in the state of California
insofar as the infiltration of trade unions was concerned is Philip M.
Connelly. At least Mr. Connelly's influence was the result of his pub-
licly known positions, first in the American Newspaper Guild, and sec-
ondly in the C. I. 0. high command in this state. During the early part
of his activities, especially in the Newspaper Guild, Connelly posed as a
convivial, innocuous, non-Communist, dedicated liberal. As he espoused
more and more partly line resolutions in Guild meetings, his fellow
members became more and more suspicious of his subversive inclina-
tions. As he participated actively in more and more Communist front
organizations, these suspicions were intensified, but Connelly rose from
mediocrity in the Newspaper Guild to one position of authority after
another. He ultimately became state C. I. 0. president, and secretary
of the C. I. 0. Council in Los Angeles. Connelly has been identified as
a Communist Party member by many witnesses. He has appeared as a
witness before this committee, and references to his activities and affil-
iations may be found in our reports as follows: 1951 — pages 93, 255,
264; 1953— pages 76, 102, 172, 208, 280; 1955— pages 417, 418, 419.
No sooner had Connelly progressed to a position of authority in the
C. I. 0., than he opened its doors throughout the state and admitted
hosts of Communist Party members, fellow travelers and sympathizers.
These, added to the numerous officials of the same political persuasion
who had managed to oust John L. Lewis from his position of authority,
so predominated the entire structure of the California C. I. 0. during
the period immediately preceding, during and shortly after Connelly's
tenure, that some of these unions became integral parts of the Commu-
nist Party apparatus instead of orthodox trade union organizations.
Connelly received dubious notoriety in connection with the part he
played in the strike that paralyzed the production of military planes
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 99
for the defense of this government when the C. I. 0. struck North
American Aviation shortly before Hitler invaded the Soviet Union and
the party line changed. He was excoriated by Los Angeles Municipal
Judge Arthur Guerrin in March, 1946, and sentenced to serve 60 days
after a jury had convicted him for inciting a riot, disturbing the peace,
and violating a court order in conjunction with a strike at U. S. Motors
in Los Angeles. He was represented by Leo Gallagher and John T.
McTernan, whose names have been repeatedly mentioned in previous
reports issued by this committee.
Connelly became eligible for parole in February, 1947, and wires
asking clemency in his behalf were sent by Jeff Kibre, William Elconin,
and William Brody — all identified as members of the Communist Party.
Connelly was released in March, 1947, after having serving 50 days of
his 60-day sentence. Among those who greeted him on his release were
Joseph O'Connor, of the Marine Cooks & Stewards Union, William
Axelrod of the Newsvendor's Union, John Daugherty, of the United
Electrical Workers Union, Andrew Barrigan of the Newspaper Guild,
and Connelly's wife, Dorothy, who, under the name Dorothy Healey,
was then and is still chairman of the Los Angeles Communist Party.
Connelly was again convicted in 1947 of driving while intoxicated and
served another term at the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Honor Farm.
Since his release he has been the Los Angeles editor of the Communist
newspaper, the Daily People's World.
We cite all of this background material for the purpose of showing
how the Communists managed to infiltrate a great trade union organiz-
ation in this state a few years ago, and we hasten to emphasize that
many of the unions then infiltrated and later expelled from the C.I.O.
for that reason are still functioning under Communist domination and
now constitute a serious threat to our national security and to the
welfare of our state. These infiltrated unions that were expelled from
their parent labor organizations are still operating under Communist
control, and virtually all of them are dealing with industrial matters
that are most essential to our continued defense. The International
Longshoremens and Warehousemens Union ; the American Communica-
tions Association; the United Public Workers of America; the United
Mine, Mill & Smelter Workers ; educational unions such as the Los An-
geles Federation of Teachers which was expelled from the American
Federation of Teachers because it was found to be Communist domi-
nated— these, and a host of other critical organizations, all heavily
infiltrated by Communists who are solidly entrenched at the top in
positions of control — pose a constant threat to our continued welfare.
Public Utilities
A few years ago we undertook to find out what measures had been
taken by our public utilities in order to protect themselves against
Communist or other subversive infiltration. We found that whereas a
major part of the aircraft manufacturing industry of the nation is
100 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
located in southern California, and all of the machinery that actuates
these plants is operated by electric energy, and despite the fact that
these manufacturing concerns are required by their government con-
tracts to take the most elaborate precautions to screen their personnel
for security and to take detailed measures to safeguard the physical
attributes of the plant by maintaining a guard services, fences and a
system of identification — nevertheless the electric generating plants
that provide the vital power for the operation of these enterprises were
required to have no security protection whatever.
Each of these public utilities providing such vital necessities as tele-
phonic and cable communications, gas, electrical energy and domestic
water, had employed special agents for years, but they were not trained
to handle the problem of subversive infiltration. To think that the Com-
munist apparatus, with all of its elaborate machinery, would fail to
take advantage of the opportunity to invade these wide open areas is
ridiculous. A number of Communists and fellow-travellers were found
employed in critical positions in many of these California public
utilities. A series of conferences between representatives of this com-
mittee and representatives of the utilities were held, and as a result of
these discussions a series of hearings was held in San Francisco and
Los Angeles, and a number of employees were discharged.
Special agents were then employed who had been highly trained in
this specialized field. Since that time the incidence of infiltration has
sharply declined, although it is a constant problem and will continue
to be so just as long as a Communist apparatus exists in the United
States.
Anyone who has seen a Communist dominated strike in action realizes
that it is quite a different matter than the strikes by non- Communist
unions. Lenin once said that every strike is a tiny revolution, and to
the Communist leaders these occurrences are not only disputes over
wages and working conditions, but embraced a far greater and more
deep-seated struggle between the workers on the one hand and the
capitalists on the other. The Communist Party of the United States
has always called itself the vanguard of the working class, and is
always eager to seize the opportunity during a strike situation to
propagandize, to recruit, to provoke violence on both sides, and to
gnaw away more deeply into the vitals of the American capitalist sys-
tem which they are dedicated to destroy. In the San Francisco general
strike of 1934, in the North American Aviation strike shortly before
World War II, in the San Joaquin Valley cotton strikes that were
accompanied by angry mobs of rioting workers led by Communist ex-
horters, in the strike at Warner Bros, studio — and even at the lesser
strikes which resulted in the jailing of Philip Connelly and which we
have already discussed — undercurrents of viciousness, of hatred toward
all non-Communists, and especially the employers, was most discernible.
There is a little-known and an exceedingly rare document concerning
the San Francisco strike which contains a statement by the Communist
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 101
Party and discloses how it was actually fomented and directed by the
party. The North American Aircraft strike was directed by Wyndham
Mortimer, Philip Connelly, Paul Crouch, and other Communist Party
members. Crouch has testified concerning his participation in this
matter and has given abundant testimony to establish the Communist
direction of this paralysis of one of the nation's most vital aircraft
factories. The strikes in the San Joaquin Valley, accompanied by so
much violence and bloodshed, were spearheaded by carefully selected
Communist agitators and organizers sent from San Francisco and Los
Angeles expressly for the purpose of creating class struggle and taking
advantage of the depression by developing it into a "revolutionary
situation."
The committee has evidence of Communist propagandists smearing
babies' faces with molasses in order to take photographs of the flies
crawling over the infants' faces, then circulating these photographs for
the purpose of arousing the resentment of members of the Workers
Alliance and migratory agricultural workers who were living in federal
migratory labor camps operated by the United States Department of
Agriculture. At that time, as will be seen in a later section of this
report, the department was loaded with Communists. The strike at War-
ner Bros, studios was the subject of prolonged prosecution and litiga-
tion during which the Communist nature of the strike leaders was estab-
lished. Strikes by Communist-dominated unions are unique because
they are weapons in the class struggle, and they achieve a special
quantity of frenzied hatred and venom that is ominous to behold.
At the writing of this report the Communist Party of the United
States has pledged itself to redouble its efforts to infiltrate American
labor. This is bound to have extreme repercussions in California, be-
cause California and New York are running neck and neck so far as
Communist activity is concerned. Until a few years ago the Party
organization in New York was far stronger, California being second.
Insofar as we can ascertain this is still the case, except that as the
population of California has increased and as this state has achieved
a more strategic importance insofar as its defense industry and geo-
graphic location are concerned, more and more Communist Party mem-
bers have been transferred from the East and from the mid- West to
work among us and two prime goals being the infiltration of labor and
education, in that order. In order to document this development, let us
see what the Communist Party itself has to say.
As recently as August, 1958, the National Committee of the Com-
munist Party of the United States declared :
"The Communists strive to win the trade unions to a more con-
sistent program of class struggle and militant action in defense
of the immediate interests of the working class. To achieve these
objectives they join with other Left forces in the ranks of labor.
102 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
* * * In the shops, a growing number of militant workers are
shedding their anti- Communist prejudices, and are ready to unite
with all forces, including the Left, to fight the company attacks.
* * * Thousand of union stewards, shop chairmen and other
leaders, received their training in the art of organization at the
hands of Communists. Much of what was once considered part of
the Communists' program has been taken over by the labor move-
ment and thousands were at one time or another members of the
Communist Party and contributed to the advance of the trade
union movement as Communists. (Committee's emphasis.)
Yet, while the past year has witnessed a significant reaffirma-
tion of individual liberty by the federal courts and public opinion,
trade union leadership still persists in its denial of the right of
legal existence to Communists and Left-wingers. Paradoxically,
though the trade unions have played an important part in rolling
back the McCarthyite ties, they have in this respect succumbed
to its vicious influence.
Today, however, our strength and relative position in the trade
unions are greatly reduced. It is a difficult matter again to play
a role in the labor movement in the spirit of past traditions.
The long period of persecution, compounded by our own errors,
and the ravages of two years of bitter internal struggle, have had
their effects."42
There had already been an article in the previous issue of this maga-
zine which, it will be remembered, carries the authentic national Com-
munist Party line month by month, entitled, "On the Communist
Party 's Political Resolution, " by an author who simply signed himself
"An American Professor." This anonymous pundit declared that he
was not a Communist, and then he made an elaborate analysis of the
main political resolution adopted at the national convention of the
Communist Party of the United States held in February, 1957. He
said, in part, " * * * The theme that dominates the report is the
problem of the formation of an anti-monopoly people's party in which
American labor would eventually assume a role of leadership. ' ' The
writer urges development of a national front rather than a popular
front; he said the convention should have openly supported Soviet
intervention in Hungary, and praised the goal of widespread Marxian
education in America.43
General Secretary Eugene Dennis of the Communist Party, declared
in the August issue of Political Affairs that :
"It is through struggle that the working class will come to
recognize its true leaders, and repudiate those in labor's top offi-
cialdom who helped pave the way for pro-Fascist reaction — for the
Taft-Hartley Act and the wage freeze, as well as for the Smith
"A Policy for American Labor, by the National Committee of the Communist Party
of the United States. Political Affairs, Aug., 1958. p. 11.
« Political Affairs, April, 1958, p. 42.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 103
Act. Nor is it excluded that some reformist labor leaders will them-
selves 'reform' as the struggle sharpens. We should draw some
conclusions from the action taken by certain leaders of the Amal-
gamated Clothing Workers, to rally the organization and members
of that union behind the Sabath bill to repeal the McCarran Act.
Trade-union struggle will go on, in spite of internal 'purges'
and F. B. I. 'screening' of the workers in industry. It is going
on right now in the maritime industry, and there will be other
struggles, other strikes — no matter how many Communists go to
jail."**
In other reports we have described how Communists in the vital
field of communications were found entrenched in the employ of Cali-
fornia's public utilities, as well as in the employ of other concerns
whose scopes of operation were equally vital. For example, a person
under Communist discipline employed in the long distance toll depart-
ment of a communications concern is obviously in an important position,
as is an employee whose knowledge of the overall operation of the con-
cern provides him with the facility to disrupt the entire network. Thus
the American Communications Association, heretofore described as
having been expelled from its parent organization because it was found
to be Communist dominated, is the certified bargaining agent for more
than 5,000 employees of the Western Union Telegraph Company
in New York City alone, and also approximately 200 employees of
the Western Union Cable Company in the same area, and for Radio
Corporation of America communications on the West Coast, principally
in California and Washington.
The Western Union Telegraph Company maintains its chief office
for the transaction of business in its building at 60 Hudson Street,
New York City. To this communications network radiate circuits from
all major cities in the United States, and a majority of its employees
handle messages which flow from various government agencies by the
telegraph circuit highlines which connect the main Western Union office
with its agencies. This majority of employees is also under the control
of the American Communications Association. Some of the more im-
portant circuits serviced in this manner are: The United States De-
fense Department's Signal Center of the First Army Headquarters,
Fort Wadsworth; United States Naval Air Station at Floyd Bennett
Field, Brooklyn, New York ; New York Port of Embarkation, Brooklyn,
New York; United States Naval Shipyards, Brooklyn, New York; Sea
Transport Station, Atlantic Division, Piers 1, 2, 3, and 4 ; United States
Navy Communications Service, 90 Church Street, New York; Gov-
ernor's Island and Fort Jay, Second Service Command.45
Since these are only a few of the more important government agen-
cies on the east coast which are tied in with comparable agencies on
** Political Affairs, op. cit., Aug. 1951, p. 9.
48 Scope of Communist Activity in the United States, part 44, hearings of United
States Senate Internal Subcommittee, 1951-1956.
104 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
the west coast, it is a very simple matter to understand how a Com-
munist-dominated union that has hundreds of its members employed
in this communications system can pose a constant threat to internal
security, and it also enables us to understand more clearly why it
is important for all public utilities in the critical field to be on the con-
stant alert to protect the public and the nation against subversive infil-
ration of their facilities. Mr. E. I. Hageinan, national President of the
Commercial Telegraphers Union, Western Union Division, A. F. L.-
C. I. 0., Washington, D. C, told the Internal Security Subcommittee
that the American Communications Association was still dominated by a
group of Communists at the top who managed to perpetuate themselves
in positions of control by a system of appointing shop stewards instead
of electing them, of rigging a constitution that allows this sort of
captivity to be accomplished, and an apathetic membership that suffers
such conditions to continue. Hageman declared, " * * * If the Soviet
espionage system had access to a hard-core Commie in a telegraph
office, there is no question but that they could get information which
might be valuable."
This conclusion is, of course, crystal clear, and applies to every
public utility that deals with any activity vital to public welfare and
security.
Within the past five years every major public utility in California
has provided itself with a sound, adequate, efficient group of highly-
trained experts in counter-subversion in security matters to take all
necessary measures for the purpose of protecting the utility and the
public against just this type of infiltration. In a later section of this
report we will describe how even the most elaborate protective systems
can never be infallible, and we will endeavor to set forth in detail the
techniques by which the Communist Party is now sending its most
trusted and highly disciplined members into our schools, our uni-
versities, our trade union organizations, our public utilities, and many
other phases of American life.
Statement by George Meany
We have already set forth a brief description of the two great inter-
national labor organizations, the Soviet-dominated World Federation
of Trade Unions on the one hand, and the International Confederation
of Free Trade Union Organizations on the other. On the domestic scene
it is comforting to know that Mr. George Meany, President of the
A.F.L.-C.I.O. in the United States, has consistently been an implacable,
emphatic and active opponent of Communism, both foreign and do-
mestic, although he pointed out in a recent speech to the members
of an F.B.I. Academy that an American Communist is simply a member
of an international organization working in this country. Mr. Meany 's
attitude toward Communism was so forthrightly expressed on such an
appropriate occasion and has so much practical effect on labor organi-
zations in this state, that we deem it appropriate to quote from the
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 105
address mentioned above. Addressing the fifty-seventh graduating class
of law enforcement officers at the F.B.I. National Academy in the
United States Department of Justice Auditorium, Washington, D. C,
Mr. Meany said, in part, that:
' ' Since the close of World War I, human freedom and individual
diginity — which are the very essence of the American way of life — •
have made much progress in some countries. But human liberty
and decency have also been increasingly menaced by a new
enemy. This foe of freedom is a total enemy of all of our cherished
values and individual dignity. His enmity to free institutions is
organized on a total basis. His movements and activities, aspira-
tions and actions are totalitarian in nature. The common aim of
all totalitarian governments — whether they be Communist, Nazi,
Fascist, Falangist, Peronist or Titoist — is to grab all power for
the total destruction of all free institutions and freedom and
for the setting up of a dictatorship. This dictatorship is to have
total power over every human being in every phase of life — poli-
tical, economic, cultural, spiritual and what-not.
That such a dictatorship leads to the horrible debasement of
society, to outraging every human value, to savage brutality in-
stead of rule by law, was most painfully dramatized in the latest
revelations by Khrushchev regarding some of the crimes committed
under the instructions of his late mentor and master, Stalin.
Of course, these various totalitarian enemies here and there —
or now and then — in the degree of the total power they actually
achieve and exercise. They never differ in the degree of total power
they would like to wield over the people.
In varying degrees, these sworn enemies of all our democratic
institutions pose as militant radicals. They use high-sounding
phrases to hide their objectives. But none of them is actually pro-
gressive or really radical. One may be a reactionary without being
totalitarian. But no one can be totalitarian without being reaction-
ary. There is nothing as retrogressive, as ultra-reactionary, as the
totalitarian party organization — or front — whether it be of the red,
brown, black or yellow hue.
The Communist brand of dictatorship is — in many respects —
the most subtle, sinister and dangerous enemy of freedom. It dem-
agoguely poses as a higher form of democracy. It poses as a poli-
tical movement, though it is anything but a political party in the
normal democratic sense as we know it and live it. Furthermore, it
operates as a worldwide conspiracy, as a fifth column, in every
free country — with its head and heart in Moscow.
The only patriotism the Communist knows is loyalty to the
clique or despot who happens to be at the helm of the Russian
dictatorship at any particular moment.
That is why we of American labor have always said: There
are no American Communists — there are only Communists in
106 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
America. These subversives are fanatical believers in the doctrine
that their end — Soviet world domination — justifies any and every
means.
In view of the illusions some people who specialize in wishful
thinking now have about the Soviet orbit moving towards democ-
racy, it is most urgent that we take a sober and realistic look at
the Communist 'new look' and 'big smile' tactics. You need no
agitation or explanation from me on this score. The Communist
criminals, like other dangerous criminals, are no less dangerous
when they are well-masked. In fact, when they are well-masked
they are even more dangerous. Political subversives who seek to
rob the American people of their liberties, are not good citizens
or gentlemen merely because they say they are for freedom, or
merely because they wear kid gloves in the process of their criminal
operations. "Well-masked, fully camouflaged Communists, do not
make the face of Communism less ugly or its aim less sinister.
Any system of government in which a party is the government
— particularly when there is only one party with absolute power
over every walk of life — cannot be government by law. And with-
out government by law, there can be no freedom.
No confessions in New York, no self-denunciation in Prague or
Warsaw, no revelations in Moscow, no popular front or united
front maneuver can alter this proof. Where the Party is the State
and has all power, there tyranny is unbridled. Tyranny cannot
be reformed. It must be abolished.
Perhaps the most important reason why Communism is the
most dangerous totalitarian enemy of human liberty and human
decency is because the Communist conspiracy has chosen the ranks
of labor for their principal field of activity. The Communists have
made the capture of the trade unions their main purpose and the
chief road to the seizure of power.
In modern industrial society, in the days of large-scale produc-
tion and automation— on the threshold of the atomic age — control
of the trade unions by Communists would enable the agents of a
hostile foreign power to subvert our economic life, impose indus-
trial paralysis on the land and establish a firm foundation for
overthrowing our democratic government and replacing it with a
dictatorship over all our people — including the workers. This is
exactly what happened in Czechoslovakia.
In our own country and in every other land outside the Iron
Curtain, the Communist Party and its network of front outfits are
a dangerous military installation of a hostile foreign power. Here
we have a subversive conspiracy, a fifth column, employing the
camouflage of a national political party and masquerading as a
movement of social reform.
Can you imagine what chance democracy would have in present
day Germany, if the trade unions of the Federal Republic had
fallen into Communist hands? Imagine what could happen to
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 107
human freedom in our own country if the Communists were in
control of the A. F. L. - C. I. 0. Consider the frightening instabil-
ity of democracy in France and you will find it is, in small meas-
ure, due to the fact that the Communists have won commanding
positions in the trade unions of that country.
Here, I must add that thanks largely to the special activities
of American labor in support of the democratic free trade union
organizations in Italy and France, the Communist grip on labor
has been shaken there. These Soviet agents can no longer call the
paralyzing political general strikes they used to inflict on the
people of France and Italy.
We of American labor approach this Communist program and
face the Communist menace as citizens and as trade unionists. We
fight this enemy unrelentingly, without a letup. We don't fall for
any of the Communists' maneuvers, because we do not believe in
doing business with them — on a partnership or any other basis.
We fight this enemy with the philosophy of democracy. We fight
Communism with practical deeds as well as hard-hitting publica-
tions in many tongues. We expose their fallacies and frauds and
put Communism in its proper and ugly light by comparing its
Soviet paradise with our human American institutions and achieve-
ments. They are not always perfect — but they are always getting
better.
If you will take a look at the Communists in our country or
in any other country, on either side of the Iron Curtain, you will
see that we are under constant bitter attack. This obviously because
our policies and activities really hurt the enemies of freedom
everywhere.
Our philosophy as American citizens is that democracy and
dictatorship cannot mix. The one is the very opposite of the other.
They have nothing in common. They negate each other.
"Our philosophy as trade unionists is that without democracy
there can be no free trade unions and without free trade unions
there can be no democracy.
To us of American labor, freedom is not only an ideal but a
most vital and vested interest. That is why we do not go in for
delegation exchanges with Moscow, Peiping, Warsaw or Bucharest.
We have nothing to get from them and nothing to sell them. Not
until there are free trade unions in these countries will there be
freedom in these lands. As we see it, not until the Russians are
free to visit each other and exchange opinions and have freedom
of communication with each other will it be possible for Russians
or Americans to correspond or communicate freely with each other
and really get to know each other. That applies to cabinet mem-
bers and military experts no less than to union officials."
108 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
And in conclusion, Mr. Meany said :
"As we see it, Communism is no longer 'a spectre' in the sense
Karl Marx once spoke of it. Communism has become a deadly
reality. Millions of Russians, Chinese, Poles, Germans, Baits and
others whose unmarked graves have yet to be revealed — tell only a
very small part of the gruesome story of the transformation of
Communism from spectre to reality. The curse of Communism is
not ' cult ' of the individual but Communism itself. It is the cult of
Communism which is the enemy we face and must vanquish. I am
confident American labor will adhere to its principles of devotion
to freedom and our free institutions above all else. As long as
Communism adheres to the doctrine of world subversion and domi-
nation, the Communist powers will constitute a real threat to the
way of life, to the progress and even to the very survival of our
Country and every other free country. As long as any government
is totalitarian, that is — as long as it denies to its own people
the enjoyment of democratic liberties, no real and enduring
peace — based on genuine mutual trust, can be achieved through
agreements with that government.
In our own midst, at home as well as abroad, the Communists
have also redoubled their talk of coexistence with the rest of us.
In the name of the 'Geneva spirit,' the Communists and their
dupes are now calling for an end to every legal effort to curtail
their subversive activities and their efforts to infiltrate our free
institutions. The Communists like nothing better and want nothing
as much as to be given a free hand to use our democratic liberties
for the purpose of subverting and destroying our democratic
society.
In the interest of self-preservation, governments and societies
founded on the principles of liberty must protect themselves by
taking measures against subversive movements and their activities.
He is no liberal who does not believe in safeguarding democracy
and its liberal institutions. True liberalism is the very opposite of
every brand of totalitarianism."
The next section of this report will deal with the Communist infil-
tration of the motion picture industry, and there we shall see how the
Teamsters Union was infiltrated during the middle twenties for the
purpose of gaining control of everything that moved on wheels within
the studio. This powerful organization, the Teamsters Union, has been
much in the press during the past several months due to the prosecution
and conviction of former president Dave Beck and the congressional
investigation of his successor, James Hoffa, because of his associations
and activities with known criminals. It is then interesting to note that
as recently as June 20, 1958, members of the Teamsters' Union and
representatives of the Harry Bridges' International Longshoremens
and Warehousemen Union met at the Hotel Statler in Los Angeles to
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 109
discuss the possibility of co-operating for their mutual benefit. There
have been rumors that these two great organizations intend to join
forces. A representative of the Teamsters declared after the meeting
that, "Our local unions have the necessary autonomy to enter agree-
ments and organize common fronts with whomever they choose. ' ' 40
A similar statement was issued in July, 1958, by representatives of
the International Longshoremens and Warehousements Union. The
Communist newspaper declared that it understood an organizing meet-
ing of Canadian and American trade unions would soon be held at
Windsor, Canada, to lay the ground for a gigantic drive to organize
all transportation unions including the Teamsters, Dockers, Seamen,
Clerks, members of the National Maritime Union and members of the
International Longshoremens and Warehousemens Unions.47
The Statler Hotel meeting was under the direction of Louis Gold-
blatt who represented the ILWU as its secretary-treasurer, and who
has also been identified as a Communist Party member by several wit-
nesses who appeared before this and other legislative committees.48
This move to amalgamate the Teamsters' Union under the leadership
of James Hoffa and the International Longshoremens and Warehouse-
mens Union under the leadership of Harry Bridges and Louis Gold-
blatt is the most recent major development in California involving
unions that are Communist infiltrated, and one that is actually Com-
munist controlled. Since the Teamsters control everthing that moves on
wheels, and the ILWU controls a large part of transportation by water,
the implications of such an unholy wedlock to the security of the
United States is too manifest to need further amplification.
At the last meeting of the National Committee of the Communist
Party of the United States all of the emphasis was on the infiltration of
American trade unions and American educational institutions. It is
now being implemented by direct action. For those who wish further
documentation to fully corroborate this conclusion, we refer them to
Political Affairs for August, 1958, page 11 ; National Revieiv, January
31, 1959, page 491 ; Political Affairs, April, 1958, page 42.
INFILTRATION OF THE MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
In 1934 a considerable sum of money was sent by the Soviet Com-
missar for Heavy Industry, who was then registered at the Claremont
Hotel in Berkeley, to a Communist contact in Hollywood. This sum
was to be used for the purpose of creating an entering wedge into the
motion picture industry. No immediate effort was made at that time
to recruit movie stars or technicians into the party, the entire atten-
tion of the Communists being concentrated on capturing key trade
48 Los Angeles Times, June 18, 1958.
"Daily Worker, August 3, 1958.
48 See The Alliance of Certain Racketeer and Communist Dominated Unions in the
Field of Transportation as a Threat to National Security, report by the Subcom-
mittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other
Internal Security Laws to the Committee on Judiciary of the United State Senate,
Eighty-fifth Congress, 2d Session, December 17, 1958.
110 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
unions. This was the procedure laid down by the Comintern and later
set forth in textbooks of the Communist Party. Strong Communist fac-
tions were planted and maintained in almost every Hollywood trade
union that had jurisdiction over anything in the motion picture studios.
The Communist Party working in Hollywood wanted control over
everything that moved on wheels — sound trucks, camera platforms,
transportation of equipment and personnel to and from locations, and
even the tray-dollies in the cafeterias. They soon moved Communist
units into those unions having jurisdiction over carpenters, painters,
musicians, grips, and electricians. To control these trade unions was to
control the motion picture industry.
Next in importance to the Hollywood trade unions working in the
industry were the writers, script men and the other professionals hav-
ing to do with the actual story writing and the production of motion
picture plays.
This infiltration, as we pointed out in our 1943 report, pages 93-94,
was accompanied by a system of blacklisting for members who had
openly opposed Communism or the Communist cliques, and many
highly skilled individuals were unable to secure employment because,
during these early days of the invasion, they presumed to oppose Com-
munism.
The Painters' Union was captured. So was the Screen Writers Guild,
to some extent. The Screen Actors Guild fought so hard to keep out of
the Communist clutches that it fell into the pudgy arms of the late
Willie Bioff, the mobster from the east who muscled into a top position
in the International Association of Theatrical and Stage Employees.
After Bioff was convicted for trying to bribe certain studio executives,
the Communists renewed their attack and for years the writers were
heavily infiltrated. They would have succumbed long ago were it not
for the stout resistance of a group of determined, capable, hardhitting
patriots who are still very much aware of the never-ending menace.49
There was a nucleus of confirmed Marxists already on the Holly-
wood scene when the Commissar sent the Soviet money to his contact —
a Communist who is now working elsewhere but still in the trade union
field. Some were writers like John Howard Lawson, who had become
fired up with revolutionary fuel in the pro-Communist League of
American Writers and has been hissing along under a full head of
steam ever since ; some were actors like Morris Cornovsky who had been
infected in the John Reed Clubs and the Group Theatre.
In its dingy little rooms at 126 West Sixth Street, Los Angeles, the
Communist Party issued directions and appointed activists to assist in
the task of infiltration, indoctrination and recruiting. Late in July,
1941, this committee questioned Jack Moore, then Secretary of the Los
Angeles Communist Party. Since that time many legislative commit-
tees— both state and federal — have inquired into the subversive pene-
tration of the glamorous realm of motion pictures, but Jack Moore is
See 1943 committee report: also The Red Decade, op. clt., pp. 284-2
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 111
the first highly qualified, authoritative party official to discuss the mat-
ter under oath. His testimony was not long or detailed in this regard,
but it was crystal clear, solid and unequivocal.
"Q- (by Mr- Combs) : Do you know whether or not, Mr. Moore,
the Communist International has laid down a policy of capturing,
since the May convention, industry; was a method laid down for
propagandizing ?
' ' A. No, I don 't recall that they ever laid down such a policy.
"Q. I read from the same treatise, page 44, entitled: 'Means of
Ideological Influences (a) The Nationalization of Plants; (b) the
Monopoly of Book Publishing.'
' ' The Witness : Pardon me, may I ask a question ?
"Mr. Combs: Certainly.
"The Witness: Isn't this the record of the organization of So-
cialists as it was in Russia after the revolution ?
"Mr. Combs: This is 'The Policy and Program of the Commu-
nist International.'
"The Witness: It isn't the record of the organization of So-
cialists ?
"Mr. Combs: No (continuing to read): '(c) The Nationaliza-
tion of Big Cinema Enterprises, Theatres, etc. ; (d) The Utilization
of the Nationalized Means of Intellectual Production for the Most
Extensive Political and General Education of the Toilers and for
the Building Up of a New Socialist Culture on a Prolitarian Class
Basis. '
"Q. Mr. Moore, do you know whether any efforts have been
made in Los Angeles County to get members into the motion pic-
ture industry through the craft unions or the trade unions ?
"A. In every other industry, too.
' ' Q. Now, let 's limit it in this instance.
"A. The Communist Party tries to recruit members — the motion
picture industry as well as other industries. Naturally, we are in-
terested in industrial workers wherever they may be.
"Q. That effort has been made in this Country?
"A. Of course.
"Q. With the motion picture industry?
"A. Yes."
Now, of course, we are quite aware that there was a heavy attempt
by the Communists to secure enough control in the industry to event-
ually use pictures as vehicles for propaganda; to tie up studios by
paralyzing strikes; to adorn front organizations with the names of
naive stars as bait to attract others. But what else did Mr. Moore
tell us? He declared that this program was in accord with a directive
issued by the Comintern in Moscoav and implemented by obedient
action on the part of the Communist Party in Los Angeles County.
112 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
John Leech was one of the early functionaries who preceded Moore
by several years. He broke with the party and gave a Los Angeles
County Grand Jury a voluminous statement naming hundreds of
motion picture luminaries from whom he had personally received Com-
munist Party dues. Max Silver came several years after Moore, served |j
as secretary of the party, also dropped out of Communist activities
and has testified concerning the same matters. He didn't drop quite
as far as Leech, however. Not yet, at least. The Leech document is
monumental, has never been made public, and probably never should
be. Many of the persons named completely broke with Communism
years ago, while others are still active in the underground and unaware
that their earlier connections have already been revealed.
The John Reed Club, the Pen and Hammer, the American League
for Peace and Democracy, the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee,
the various Soviet Friendship Leagues, and the perennial committees
to shore up civil liberties were the first Communist fronts in Holly-
wood. Then came a host of cultural organizations, then a group for
the support of Loyalists during the Spanish Revolution, then the
anti-Nazi fronts that sprang up overnight when the Germans violated
the non-aggression pact and invaded the USSR on June 22, 1941.
During the era of the first united front, 1935-1945, these fronts
multiplied with great rapidity into an intricate and confusing Red
network. They had interlocking directorates, traded their mailing lists,
exchanged their speakers, aided each other financially, faithfully fol-
lowed the party line, and were carefully synchronized and manipulated
by the local Communist officials from their drab offices on "West Sixth
Street.*
Some of these fronts were huge. The Hollywood Anti-Nazi League
had 4,000 members; the motion picture Democratic Committee, 1,700.
Sometimes two or more of the largest fronts joined forces to stage a
public affair to exploit a new twist in the party line, raise funds and
propagandize. Even by Hollywood standards these affairs were colossal.
Usually held at the Embassy Auditorium at Ninth and Grand, these
functions jammed the hall with several thousand people. There were
impressive settings, klieg lights, a glittering array of stars and rabble-
rousing speakers who scoffed and sneered at our American institutions,
inflamed racial minority groups, painted ominous pictures of the im-
pending collapse of civil liberties, damned the FBI and legislative com-
mittees as Fascist, and sang the praises of the Soviet Union and the
party line.
Hundreds of thousands of dollars were collected at these colorful
affairs. The agents who covered them were invariably struck by the
general resemblance — as to technique — to the Gerald L. K. Smith meet-
ings and newsreel pictures of similar mass meetings held abroad during
the war by comparable movements. Throughout the period of the first
* Los Angeles Communist Party Headquarters is now located at 524 South Spring
Street.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 113
united front these organizations flourished and multiplied, and were
enthusiastically supported by prominent film personalities.
During the war Russia muffled the American Communists. We were
pouring lend-lease material into that country, taking the pressure off
the Eastern front, and flexing our capitalist muscles on behalf of our
Communist ally. So that ally deemed it best not to irritate us with the
usual subversive actions of its agents in our midst. The Communist-
dominated unions turned off the strikes, the fronts reoriented them-
selves in support of our war effort, and party activity was slipped
down into a lower gear.
Then came the battle to oust Communists from their positions of
control in the industry shortly after the war was over. A series of hear-
ings was held by this committee, followed by others before congressional
committees. The fronts were exposed, the names of the members were
published, the Communist control was unmasked and the picture indus-
try began to clean its own house. In 1943, the late James McGuinness,
staunch foe of everything subversive and of Communism in particular,
started the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American
Ideals. Head of the story department at M. G. M., and highly respected
throughout the industry, McGuinness soon put together a hard-hitting
and influential organization. Typical of the other members were Sam
Wood, John Wayne, Borden Chase, Ward Bond, Adolphe Menjou, Roy
Brewer, and scores of prominent writers, directors, actors and techni-
cians. All were and are dedicated to the task of ridding their industry
of insidious penetration by Communists.
During the late thirties and early forties V. J. Jerome made several
trips to California from New York in his capacity as chief of the
party's Cultural Commission. Copies of telegrams that passed between
Communist officials immediately before and after his visits show how
each was followed by a rash of new activity in the process of subvert-
ing Hollywood. As the writer, John Howard Lawson, was moved into
position as Jerome's California representative, the boss made fewer
trips. Lawson 's Communist record has been thoroughly covered in pre-
vious reports following his appearance before us several years ago. He
has spent much of his time in the east since being exposed, but as this
portion of the report is being written he is back with us once more.
By 1945 the infiltration had reached alarming proportions. Once se-
cure in their positions of authority the Communists employed the old
technique of promoting each other and smothering everyone else. Just
as they had applied this ruthless tactic in the political arenas, the
universities and the trade unions, and in the wartime agencies of gov-
ernment, they now utilized it in their penetration of the motion picture
industry. When they were exposed, forced to resort to the Fifth Amend-
ment, and were unseated from their vantage places, these Communists
pictured themselves as the innocent victims of a blacklist. The differ-
ence, of course, was one so very simple that many people accustomed
to thinking in more complicated terms failed to grasp it.
114 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
The Red Blacklist
The Communists themselves blacklisted all non-Communists because
they were operating as agents in a world crusade directed by the inter- i
national headquarters at Moscow, and this operation was one phase of
that crusade. All Communists are imbued with the hate motive of the
class struggle and they were carrying out their role in the plan by
promoting each other in an attempt to control a vital propaganda
medium. The loyal Americans who opposed and exposed them were j
prompted by patriotism. Yet the latter were accused of blacklisting i
the former.
By this twisted thinking, every F. B. I. agent who does his duty in !
removing a Communist from a sensitive government position and
thereby protecting his country against espionage, is accused of foster- j
ing a blacklist because the subversive employee is flushed out of his j
position. And every legislative committee that exposes subversive in-
filtration participates in the blacklist because employers are reluctant
to hire people who hate capitalism and are dedicated to the destruction
of our government by every foul and unfair means at their command.
But this sort of twisted thinking is typical of Communists, and they
have used it to convince a great many confused liberals.
Now the plain truth is that in the process of advancing each other
and choking all non-Communists, the Party is operating the vilest
blacklist of all time. Ask the active anti-Communist professor or trade
unionist who has been smeared, undermined, stifled in his work and
called a McCarthyite Fascist.
But we are dealing here with motion pictures, so let us examine an-
other actual case. In a major studio a picture was being made that was
to achieve Academy Award stature. The producer, director and writer
were party members. One of them has since dropped out of all Com-
munist activity. The director was receiving $2,500 per week, and our
reports mention him 34 times in connection with Communist affiliations
and activities. He taught at the Communist school in Los Angeles —
then known as the People's Educational Center. There he met two other
party members who needed studio jobs.
During his attendance at the young Communist organization, then
known as American Youth for Democracy, this $10,000 per month di-
rector met a third party member — also in need of work as a writer.
At meetings of the Progressive Citizens of America, a Communist
cultural front, the director discovered four more Communists.
The two teachers from the Communist school went to work at the
director's studio. One of them started at $500 a week and was quickly
raised to $600 and then $750. The young Communist organization
workers sold a 20-page story to the same studio for $25,000. And the
front activists went to work at the studio at the insistence of the same
director at salaries ranging from $500 to $1,400 per week. As we have
said, all were Communists and, with a single exception, far less capable
than the non-Communists who were rejected for the same positions.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 115
At the same time, at the same studio, a well-known and thoroughly
competent writer contemplated the high salaries being paid this squad-
ron of Red invaders and asked for a $100 raise. He was an anti-Com-
munist, and he was promptly undermined and fired. Thus another
vacancy was created. His place was filled by another invader who was
immediately given a $750 raise over his original $250 per week salary.
There were many such cases. At RKO the head of the music depart-
ment refused to use Hanns Eisler as the composer for a picture — ■
simply because he was musically inept. But, Hanns, a Communist, was
the brother of Gerhardt Eisler — Comintern boss in the United States,
and the producer of the picture was also a Communist. So Hanns Eisler
got the job.
By 1945 the infiltration had progressed to the point where propa-
ganda was beginning to appear in pictures and the industry was liter-
ally teeming with Communists. So secure was the control of key unions
that the party bosses at the headquarters on West Sixth Street decided
to make a bold move. They sanctioned a strike at Warner Bros, studio.
The Conference of Studio Unions actually manned the picket lines and
comprised the painters, set designers, sign writers, screen cartoonists
and office employees. The left-wing control of the conference was openly
headed by one Herb Sorrell, a large and muscular man with a most
aggressive attitude. He has appeared before us and we have heretofore
published his record of subversive connections. We have also taken the
testimony of two prominent handwriting experts who have authenti-
cated his signature on a Communist membership book.
There was much violence at Warner Bros, during this strike; an
average of 50 patients per day were treated at emergency first aid
stations; public sidewalks and streets were blocked by 2,500 pickets
in the face of a court order against any such mass demonstration.
Police cars were upset when they approached the scene — uniformed
officers trapped inside. It soon developed that the strikers were repre-
sented by a battery of Communist lawyers, Frank Pestana, Ben Mar-
golis, Charles Katz, and Leo Gallagher, all repeatedly identified by
witnesses as Communist Party members.
As sheriff's deputies moved in to enforce the court order and pre-
vent the bloody incidents that were occurring with increasing frequency
and viciousness; as the strike leaders and their counsel were identified
as Communists, the strike lost impetus and sputtered out.
In November, 1950, the National Executive Board of the AFL Paint-
ers' Union announced the results of its searching investigation into
the affair and declared that Sorrell had "willfully and knowingly
associated with groups subservient to the Communist Party line ' ' 50
and ordered him not to hold any union office for five years and not to
attend any union meetings during that period. In February, 1952,
Sorrell's local union was dissolved and he dropped out of all union
activities.51
"Report of National Executive Board, AFL Painters' Union, Lafayette, Ind., Nov.,
1950.
aLos Angeles Times, Feb. 15, 1962.
116 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
As resistance to the Red invasion stiffened and as more legislative
committees continued to flush out and expose hidden Communists, many
courageous former party members scorned to invoke the Fifth Amend-
ment and aided their industry, their state and their country in co-
operating fully to combat the infiltration. Witnesses like Edward
Dmytryk, Martin Berkeley, Charles Daggett, Leo Townsend, Elizabeth
Wilson, Richard Collins, Frank Tuttle — these and many others readily
admitted past membership and identified their former comrades. They
were supported by the Motion Picture Alliance, thanked by the com-
mittees and blasted by the Communists as stool pigeons and traitors.
The effort to inject propaganda into pictures was not really put to
much of a test. The strength of the invasion was broken too soon, but
experts have explained to us that the approach was exceedingly
subtle — and it required a long time to be effective. The Communists
realized that blunt, open propaganda would easily be detected; the
public would object, those responsible would be eliminated and the
party would lose some valuable agents. So, as in the universities, the
approach was indirect and slanted with great caution. Writers and
directors were instructed to hammer away at the class struggle theme,
glorifying the "toiling masses," damning the bloated capitalists. Thus
the bank president, the chairman of the board, the department store
owner, the wealthy aristocrat or the politician was portrayed as a
selfish, venal parasite squeezing dry the underprivileged masses. And
their employees or constituents were depicted as lean, underpaid, over-
worked and most unhappy. This theme, repeated through endless vari-
ations, was calculated to create contempt for the free-enterprise system,
mistrust of public officials and lack of confidence in the government.
The motion picture industry has demonstrated how determination,
organized resistance and relentless exposure can invariably whip the
Communists soundly. But it is also demonstrating the lamentable and
tragic fact that the indifference of the average American, once he is
given a brief respite from the Communist menace, is constantly opening
the doors to infiltration once again. We must learn that Communists
never give up. If only one were left he would devote the whole of his
life to the subversion of our government.
As soon as the industry relaxed, the invasion was resumed. New
techniques were employed and there are danger signals once again.
In September, 1954, Actors Equity voted down a resolution barring
Communists from membership ; in February, 1959, motion picture pro-
ducers admitted they had been buying scripts from some Communists
who had been fired but who were peddling their wares under false
names with the full knowledge of the purchasers. In March, the Acad-
emy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences lifted its ban against making
awards to those who had defied legislative committees when asked about
their Communist backgrounds. Whenever vigilance is relaxed; when-
ever executives in the motion picture industry, or regents of a great
university, or heads of trade unions show weakness instead of strength
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 117
and courage and plain patriotism in dealing with this ceaseless threat — ■
then they are becoming the unwitting accomplices in the world drive
to soften us up for the eventual kill, and to substitute a Communist
regime for the government we should be alert and eager to protect
against subversion from within.
INFILTRATION OF THE PROFESSIONS
The Medical Profession
The Communist Party has always been interested in recruiting
professional people. Lawyers, engineers and doctors are particularly
desired to operate as underground members of the party, not only for
the purpose of lending their names to front organizations and thereby
giving them a semblance of prestige and dignity, but because, as we
shall see, they can perform invaluable services for the advancement of
Communism in areas that would be inaccessible for the ordinary rank
and file party member.
Thus, when atomic research was commenced at Berkeley, California,
in the latter part of 1941 and early 1942, and it was necessary to recruit
a number of atomic physicists to work in the radiation laboratory of
the University of California, the Communist Party had a nucleus of
dedicated scientists all ready waiting for such an opportunity. This was
the International Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists and
Technicians, an organization that was started in the Soviet Union by
an American scientist who graduated from the Lenin Academy, and
which spread its tentacles throughout the United States and parts of
Canada. All of these technical men were recruited into the party and
originally placed in a professional unit from which they were detached
to do this particular job of espionage.
In order to illustrate the physical organization and activities of a
professional section of the Communist Party, we can find no better
example than that which was functioning in Los Angeles County in the
late thirties. Headquarters for this section was established at 3224
Beverly Blvd., and the section comprised two units of teachers, one of
newspaper workers, one of doctors, one of lawyers, two of social work-
ers, one of pharmacy workers, one of engineers and architects, one of
theatrical people and musicians, one of writers and artists, and a unit
of miscellaneous professions usually referred to in party circles as the
hash unit. Unit 131 of this Professional Section, comprising writers
who were employed by the Federal Writers Project, undertook to make
a historical record survey. Since this project involved the probing into
government archives on the state, county and municipal levels, the
Communist Party was packing it with its members. Sven Skarr, the
California supervisor, was a Communist, and with utter ruthlessness,
he demoted and fired employees who were not members of the party
in order to create jobs for his comrades. In Alaska, in Hawaii, and in
the Philippine Islands, as well as throughout the other 47 states, Com-
118 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
munists went burrowing into government records compiling enormous
masses of data that were analyzed and correlated for Communist Party
purposes, both here and abroad.
The Communists realized shortly after the party was organized in
the United States that one of the safest places for the arrangement of
important meetings was in a doctor's office. Doctors are protected by
law against revealing any communication that passes between them and
their patients, the waiting room is an insulating protection against
intrusion upon the doctor's privacy, people have a normal reason for
coming to and from his office at all times of the night and day, and
thus these offices provide a safe place for the transaction of important
party business.
In San Francisco, we found a dentist's office being used for such
purposes only a few years ago. In Los Angeles, a dentist by the name
of V. A. K. Tashjian used his office at 815 S. Hill St., Los Angeles,
to masquerade his actual status as head of the Disciplinary Commis-
sion of the Communist Party for the entire state.
Another instance of the practical use to which Communist doctors
can be put is found in the case of Dr. Samuel Marcus, who was a mem-
ber of the Professional Section of the Communist Party of Los Angeles
County, and at the same time a member of the Los Angeles County
Board of Alienists and doing psychiatric work for the Los Angeles
Superior Courts. On December 6, 1954, the committee held a hearing
in Los Angeles concerning Communism in the Los Angeles County
Medical Association, and examined 30 witnesses during a period of
almost a week. This hearing was conducted at the request of the Medical
Association, some of its officers having become alarmed at the increasing
evidence of Communist penetration in its ranks. Some of the officers
went to Communist front organization meetings and there saw members
of their profession participating in the proceedings in positions of
authority. The hearing was described at length on pages 70 to 395 of
the committee's 1955 report, and we are happy to state that while a
mild problem still exists and will undoubtedly continue to exist so long
as medical men prove susceptible to Communist recruiting, the problem
of infiltration in the Los Angeles County Medical Association is now
comparatively slight.
In the recruitment of doctors the Communist Party places special
stress in getting as many psychiatrists and psychologists as possible
under party control. This group of specialized professionals are of in-
valuable benefit to the party in bringing those members who are giving
evidences of weakness and straying from the path of Marxian rectitude
back into the fold through the application of psychiatric treatment. It
should be born in mind, of course, that party members are ordered to
consult only Communists for their legal and medical problems, and
whenever it is necessary to do a job of reindoctrination or to report
back to the Communist officials concerning the true mental state of the
patient, psychiatrists are most valuable.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 119
Immediately after the invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941,
and the consequent overturning of the international Communist Party
line, it became expedient to re-examine the political reliability of those
party members who had been assigned to work in the delicate fields of
either underground activities or espionage. One of these individuals was
Paul Crouch, who had been a party member for 17 years, tried to or-
ganize a Communist unit in military intelligence while he was a soldier
at Schofield Barracks, Hawaii, was caught and sentenced to a term in
Alcatraz Military Prison and later was sent to the Soviet Union for
training.
He attended the Frunze Military Academy, which is the equivalent
to our "West Point, graduated with the rank of an honorary Colonel in
the Red Army, reviewed the 40,000 troops which then comprised the
Budeny Division, addressed the Balkan countries over the Comintern
radio network, and was sent back to the United States to take charge
of the infiltration of all of our armed forces with Communist Party
members. Crouch served briefly as a member of the National Committee
of the Communist Party of the United States, and held top positions
throughout the entire country. He headed several state Communist
organizations and was in almost constant contact with the highest rank-
ing members of the party's leadership. He had been in California
several times, but was assigned to this state permanently in 1939 and
ultimately assigned to assume the enormously important command of
the Special Section which comprised the engineers and technicians and
nuclear physicists that we have heretofore described as belonging to the
Alameda County Chapter of the International Federation of Architects,
Engineers, Chemists and Technicians, which also included physicists
then employed at the University of California's radiation laboratory
on secret atomic research.
Crouch reported regularly to his Communist Party superiors, par-
ticularly William Schneidermann, the organizer for District 13 whose
headquarters were in San Francisco, and was apparently performing
his task with his usual efficiency and dispatch and with his usual
amenability to Communist Party discipline. His wife, also a party
member, carried on her duties at the same time, as did his children
who were members of the Young Communist apparatus. Then came the
revolution of the international party line in June, 1941, and the re-
examination of the reliability of top members by the Communist Party
psychiatrists. They evaluated Crouch negatively and made their report
to the proper Communist authorities. Shortly thereafter — apparently
in an effort to test the accuracy of this diagnosis — Crouch and his fam-
ily were ordered to leave Alameda County and take up Communist
work in southern California. Now for 17 years these orders had been
accepted by the Crouch family without question. On Communist assign-
ments they had moved from one job to another throughout the length
and breadth of the United States, and had never wavered in their im-
mediate acceptance of Communist Party discipline and assignments. On
this occasion, however, first Mrs. Crouch and then her husband objected.
120 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
The conflict between them and their party superiors mounted in in-
tensity and finally they refused to obey the assignment, dropped out of
all party activities, accepted work at Brownsville, Texas, went thence
to Miami, Florida, and while there decided to atone as much as they
could for their 17 years of attempting to subvert their country. Crouch
went to the nearest F.B.I, office and made a clean breast of his 17 years
of Communist activity. From that time forward until he died a few
years ago, Crouch and his entire family devoted their whole time to
assisting their government in every possible way to combat the menace
of Communism.
The point of this narrative lies in the accuracy of the psychiatric
diagnosis and the illustration of the practical value that Communist
psychiatrists can render to the Communist Party conspiracy. Crouch
had not been suspected as weakening by any of his superiors, and only
when a mass re-evaluation of personnel was conducted because of the
changed world situation were these professional men able to probe deep
enough and expertly enough to uncover Crouch's increasing weakness
and his mounting disillusionment with the party. The point is, obvi-
ously, that they were correct, that he did break, that he went all the
way and devoted the rest of his life to exposing in the greatest detail
everything he could think of about the persons he knew as Communists
and the techniques and activities of the party.
Thus we see that the effort to recruit doctors occupies a high place
on the Communist agendum, and that here is yet another area that
demands constant scrutiny and watchfulness in order to effectively
resist the ceaseless program of infiltration and recruiting.
The Legal Profession
Lawyers have always been of enormous importance to the Commu-
nist conspiracy because they are able to guide it through the labyrinth
of its underground activities with a relatively slight degree of interfer-
ence from the constituted authorities — at least in the United States.
We have tolerated this type of activity since the middle twenties, and
while we have been sending our counter-espionage agents deep into
the heart of the Communist apparatus, neverthless the elaborate pre-
caution with which the party has protected itself against such penetra-
tion in recent years has met with considerable success,, also. As we
shall see later in this section, the Subversive Activities Control Board
has been taking evidence in an effort to determine whether or not the
Communist Party of the United States is directed from abroad as a
preliminary to proscribing its activities in this country, and the Su-
preme Court has, as yet, refused to let the board know whether it is a
constitutional body. Hence, in the event that some day the board
may make a report that the Communist Party in this country should
be made to register all of its members and conform to all of the provi-
sions of the McCarran- Walter Act, then the Supreme Court could at
one stroke destroy all of these years of work, together with the effect
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 121
of the decision by declaring that the board was unconstitutional from
its inception.
This committee has been continuously examining members of the
Communist Party and officers of its front organizations for almost
20 years, and we have now become familiar with the same lawyers
who represent the same type of clients at almost every hearing this
committee has ever held. In an excellent report recently issued by
the House Committee on Un-American Activities, dated February 16,
1959, the role of the Communist lawyer is discussed at length, and
we have taken some of the material for this portion of our report from
that document, which can be obtained by writing to the United States
Government Printing Office, Division of Documents, Washington, D. C.
Before discussing in detail the individual lawyers in California who
are not only members of the Communist Party but who have devoted
their lives to furthering its subversive interests, let us once more place
the subject in proper perspective by tracing the development of the
legal arm of the Comintern as it stretched out from Moscow and
manipulated its puppets in the Communist Parties of the world.
Realizing that Communist subversion in foreign countries must neces-
sarily be a clandestine semi-legal operation, and that the Communists
in those countries would inevitably run afoul of the law, one of the
most important early subdivisions of the Comintern was known as the
International Class "War Prisoners Aid Society, designated by the Rus-
sian initials for that title, MOPR, and commonly known among Amer-
ican Party members as "MOPER." By 1925, this organization had its
branches scattered throughout the world and in America it was known
as the International Labor Defense, and had been functioning here
since June, 1922. The first international head of this world Red aid
organization was Klara Zetkin of Germany, a member of the Comintern
Executive Committee. She was followed by Willi Muenzenberg, an un-
usually facile and imaginative functionary who Avas the originator of
the Communist front and who brought MOPR and its worldwide sub-
ordinate organizations to a high state of perfection.
The first director of the American section of MOPR, known as the
International Labor Defense, was James P. Cannon, and in California
the early ILD organization was headed by Leo Gallagher. The national
organization in the United States was later directed by the late Vito
Marcantonio, who enjoyed the distinction of being the only member of
Congress to actually head a division of an international conspiracy
openly dedicated to our destruction.
Under Gallagher's direction, the ILD in California was constantly
kept busy protecting domestic Communists and getting them out of
jail, as well as representing them in legal proceedings; preventing and
delaying the deportation of alien Communist agents and planning the
strategy and legal ramifications for the operation of the solar system
of Red fronts and propaganda units, as well as the run-of-the-mill
every day Communist Party operations. Particularly in the field of
122 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
political strategy were these legal specialists of great practical value
to the party in California.
Although the American Communists tried to operate the ILD like
any other front and conceal the fact that it was purely a part of the
Communists' far-flung structure, there were occasional slips. One ap-
peared in a highly authoritative Communist publication which declared
that the International Labor Defense was far too important an organi-
zation to be operated by ordinary functionaries, but must "be guided
by the higher committees of the Party. ' ' 52
But only the incredibly naive could possibly have been fooled, any-
way. The legal staff of the ILD were all Communists ; it only defended
Communists and party fronts and foreign party agents ; it meticulously
followed the party line and said so in its organ, Labor Defender. Its
members and officers were Communists and it was operated with Com-
munist funds.
Zealous and vigorous in its defense of Communists, the ILD and its
successor organizations invariably lose interest when its clients de-
nounce the Communist Party and revert to the business of just being
solid American citizens. Take the case of Fred Beal, for a good example.
There are other instances, without end, but Beal's was a famous case
and he lived in California and discussed the matter with representatives
of our committee on several occasions. While he was a party member
he participated in the textile strike at Gastonia, North Carolina. There
was the usual Communist-inspired violence, during which Beal shot a
police officer. The ILD sprang into action and eventually arranged for
him to escape to the Soviet Union. Here Beal was hailed as a valiant
fighter for the oppressed toiling masses. Particularly so because his vic-
tim was a policeman in the bastion of capitalism at the height of a class
struggle. So, living in comfort at the Metropole Hotel in Moscow,
Beal was busily giving lectures and basking in the fatherland of world
Communism.
But soon his propaganda value ran dry, and he was left pretty much
alone. He became intensely bored, and after months of such isolation
and complaining one of his more influential and sympathetic Commu-
nist friends promised to escort Beal through the Lubianka prison.
Situated across the street from the Kremlin and connected with it by
an underground passage, this grim structure once housed an insurance
company, but after the revolution it became the headquarters of the
Soviet Secret Police. Here the more important prisoners were tortured
and subjected to interminable interrogation. During the bloody purge
trials and executions that swept across the U.S.S.K. from 1935 to 1939,
the endless procession of Soviet officials, generals, admirals, diplomats
and old Bolsheviks were taken to the Lubianka dungeons and there
"persuaded" to sign the most ridiculous and abject confessions of
Marxian heresy and collaboration with enemies of the regime. Then
they were shot.
MThe Party Organizer, Nov., 1945; see, also, The Red Decade, op. cit p. 95.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 123
When Fred Beal was taken on a tour of this citadel of terror he was
being accorded a distinct favor. His guide explained how the prisoners
never knew whether they would be allowed to live from one day to the
next. The latrines were located at the end of a long corridor, and were
constructed of soundproof reinforced concrete. If a prisoner failed to
return, this meant he had been shot in the base of the skull, and the
body removed through an outside entrance. The psychological effect
on the other prisoners was deemed most salutary, from the viewpoint
of the Soviet Secret Police.
Beal's doubts about the whole Communist movement had been
steadily increasing. This experience filled him with loathing. Watching
his chance, he managed to sneak out of the country, catch a boat for
the United States, return to North Carolina and there he surrendered
himself to the authorities and served a prison term for his offense. The
ILD ignored him completely.
This utter hypocrisy is characteristic of every Communist action.
The entire movement is based on materialism and has no time to waste
on such trivialities as religion or sympathy. The class struggle and
hatred is all-important, and the individual is always sacrificed to the
relentless advance of the world Communist revolution. The end always
justifies the means, and these harsh and brutish concepts are ingrained
in the embryonic Communist from the very moment he attends begin-
ners' classes and the tempo is increased throughout his entire mem-
bership in the Communist Party.
Reef Legal Aid in California
In California there was no difference. Operated from 127 South
Broadway, Los Angeles, and staffed by Rose Chernin, Julia Walsh,
Leo Gallagher, and other attorneys who will be identified later, the
ILD handled strikes by Communist-controlled unions, deportation
matters involving foreign couriers and agents, as well as all cases
where party members were involved with the law. ILD documents in
this committee's files leave no doubt about the invariable practice of
utilizing every courtroom proceeding and every legislative hearing as
opportunities to spread propaganda, undermine respect for consti-
tuted authority, and encourage arrogant defiance of law and order.
Courts, law, officers and legislative committees are regarded by all
true Communists as part of the decadent capitalist system and weapons
of the class enemy — and hence not binding on these soldiers in the
Communist ranks who owe their allegiance only to the cause of world
revolution.
By 1937, according to the ILD's own records, it had 800 branches
scattered through 47 states and claimed a total membership of 300,000.
This membership included, of course, highly placed individuals who
were considered too important to be formally affiliated with the party,
and scores of fellow travelers and members of Communist fronts.
124 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Throughout the period of the party's opeu activity, heretofore dis-
cussed, and also during the period of the first United Front from 1935
to 1945, membership in this organization increased and the branches
multiplied because there was a corresponding increase of defiant Com-
munist Party activity and a resurgence of activity among its fronts
and propaganda media.
Associated with Mr. Gallagher at the time he was representing the
International Labor Defense were Abraham L. Wirin, now general
counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union in Southern California,
and Grover Johnson, both of whom have specialized in representing
Communist Party members and Communist front organizations. There
were comparable offices in San Francisco with branches scattered
throughout other populous portions of California, but the brains of
the ILD were centered in the American Bank Building offices of Leo
Gallagher and his associates in the city of Los Angeles, and he traveled
all over the pacific coast attending to the duties of his office. One of
the principal officers of the organization informed a person who was
a member of the Communist Party at the time, that the International
Labor Defense was a branch of the Communist Party in the United
States, and that all persons who worked in confidential capacities in
or for that organization were required to be members of the Communist
Party or completely subservient to its discipline.53
The principal law firm in San Francisco that handled the ILD mat-
ters was headed by Richard Gladstein, and associated with him at
various times were George Andersen, Aubrey Grossman, Doris Brin
Walker, Harold Sawyer, Herbert Resner, Charles Garry, Francis Mc-
Ternan, and Robert Treuhaft, although the latter has during recent
years confined most of his Red aid activities to the east bay area
comprising Alameda and Contra Costa Counties and the area immedi-
ately adjacent thereto.
At the conclusion of the first United Front era in 1945, the Inter-
national Labor Defense had become so thoroughly exposed as a part
of the international Communist movement functioning in the United
States that it was decided to liquidate it and turn its duties over to
other organizations. Accordingly, about the middle of 1946, it was
merged with the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, and
then continued its activities under the name of Civil Rights Congress.
Needless to say, the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties
was also a well-known Communist front, and Rose Chernin, who had
directed the ILD activities in Southern California under the super-
vision of Leo Gallagher's office, headed the new organization, as well.
The national director was Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, a charter member
of the Communist Party of the United States, director of its Women's
Commission, a member of its National Committee, and an expert in
drumming up legal aid for party members and front organizations.
We will see in a subsequent section of this report dealing with the
E3 1943 Committee Report, p. 125.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 125
decisions of the United States Supreme Court affecting internal security
how Elizabeth Gurley Flynn is still extremely active in undermining
the public confidence in the Federal Bureau of Investigation, in legis-
lative committees, and in taking credit for having brought about the
astounding change in the legal precedents that had been established
by the Supreme Court in cases involving the Communist Party and
its manifold activities. In launching the Civil Rights Congress as a
new Communist front to replace the ILD, Mrs. Flynn was aided by
William L. Patterson and George Marshall.
In California the newly-organized Civil Eights Congress got under
a quick start. Rose Chernin was replaced by Marguerite Robinson, who
established offices in room 709 at 326 West Third Street in Los Angeles,
and so built the membership of the organization that by August 5, 1951,
when a meeting was held in the Embassy Auditorium in Los Angeles,
there was a crowd of at least 1,200 people present, including prominent
Communist Party members who addressed the audience. They included
John Howard Lawson, Ben Margolis, and Don Wheeldin who recently
resigned from the Communist Party but is typical of the "fallout"
mentioned earlier, and has not as yet broken so completely that he is
willing to assist his government in frankly and publicly disavowing
the Communist movement in its entirety.
When this committee held its public hearings about the infiltration
of the Los Angeles County Medical Association and questioned some
of its members about their affiliations with the Civil Rights Congress,
witnesses invariably invoked the protection of the Fifth Amendment.
Such witnesses included Dr. Thomas L. Perry, Dr. Morris R. Feder,
Martin Hall, Dr. Murray Korngold, Kenneth Hartford, Dr. Richard
W. Lippman, Dr. Saul Matlin, Dr. P. Price Cobbs, Dr. Wilbur Z. Gordon
and Dr. Marvin Sure. Dr. Mardin Allsberg who for many years has
demonstrated his patriotic, courageous and forthright anti-Communist
attitude as a member of the medical profession, testified that he had
attended a Communist Party rally and was later astounded to see the
same members of the medical association attending meetings of the
Civil Rights Congress and other fronts.
No sooner had the Civil Rights Congress commenced to function than
legislative committees began to probe into its antecedents and its
methods of operation. It soon became evident that it was staffed by the
same Communist Party members, supported by the same enthusiastic
fellow travelers who consistently affiliated with the various Communist
front organizations, defended no one except Communist Party members
and Communist organizations and was, indeed, nothing more than a con-
tinuation of the International Labor Defor.se under another name. The
same attorneys rendered the same type of service, and these facts were
soon being made public on a wide front by state and congressional com-
mittees on un-American activities. As the publicity began to have its
effect on the public at large and the true nature of the Civil Rights Con-
gress became known, it experienced trouble in raising funds and in re-
cruiting. It was then listed by the Attorney General of the United States
126 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
as a Communist dominated organization, following the usual exhaustive
study by the F. B. I., and this exposure withered up its source of reve-
nue, whittled down its membership, and reduced its effectiveness to the
point where it eventually disbanded. Then the defense of the agents of
internal Communist subversion was taken up by the National Lawyers
Guild, while the Citizens Committee for the Protection of the Foreign
Born redoubled its activities to protect alien Communists, under the
direction of Rose Chernin who by now had gained considerable ex-
perience in this type of work.
We need say very little about this latter organization, since it was
infiltrated by Marion Miller acting as an undercover agent for the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, and her testimony and her appearance
on a national television program left no vestige of doubt about the
Communist nature of this front.
In a previous report we have discussed the National Lawyers Guild
at considerable length. By way of brief resume here it is only necessary
to point out that the Communist nature of this organization was estab-
lished by Earl Browder himself, who, while General Secretary of tne
Communist Party of the United States, stated under oath that the
National Lawyers Guild was nothing more than a Communist trans-
mission belt.54 And Louis Budenz, former editor of the Communist
Daily Worker, declared that, "In the National Lawyers Guild there is
a complete duplicate of the Communist Party's hope and aspirations in
that field, although there are a number of non-Communists in the
National Lawyers Guild. In fact some of their lawyers locally are no
Communists, but they play the Communist game either wittingly or
unwittingly. ' ' 55
National Lawyers Guild
The National Lawyers Guild is nothing more than an offshoot
of the International Labor Defense, and while it likes to create the
impression that it was started in order to counteract the " reactionary J'
nature of the American Bar Association with a freewheeling, liberal
association of attorneys on a national basis, its complete subservience
to the Communist Party line, its consistent activities in performing
exactly the same sort of services for the Communist Party, its members,
its front organizations and its propaganda media that were performed
by the I. L. D. and the Civil Rights Congress, together with the fact
that all of its officers with any importance or authority have either been
party members, ardent fellow travelers, or under Communist discipline,
establishes the organization than nothing more than another front, and
a very potent one, indeed.
Selma Mikels attended the University of California at Berkeley,
graduated from its law school, passed the bar examination and started
practicing her profession in Los Angeles. She was, at the time, affiliated
Report on National Lawyers Guild, Sept. 17, 1950, p. 2, House Committee on Un-
American Activities.
The Techniques of Communism, op. cit., p. 180.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 127
with the Communist Party. In 1940, the California State Relief Ad-
ministration was investigated by an Assembly committee because of
widespread allegations that it was heavily infiltrated by Communists.
Among the many witnesses examined by this committee, which was the
forerunner of the subsequent committee on un-American Activities,
was one Bronislaus Joseph Zukas. He was at that time employed by
the S. R. A. at Visalia, and was also the financial secretary of the
local chapter of the State, County & Municipal Workers of America.
A subpoena duces tecum was served on Mr. Zukas calling for him
to produce the records of the local. This he refused to do, and was
prosecuted for contempt. At his jury trial at Visalia, he was de-
fended by Abraham L. Wirin, heretofore mentioned as having been
associated with Leo Gallagher, and since leaving the Gallagher office
having been general counsel for the Southern California American
Civil Liberties Union, and Selma Mikels. Miss Mikels was, at the time,
engaged to be married to the late Lee Bachelis. Mr. Bachelis, until the
time of his death, was the most important cog in the Civil Rights
Congress organization, since he was in charge of its bail fund. This
accumulation of money was used to secure the freedom of Communist
leaders who were arrested and prosecuted under the provisions of
the Smith Act. Thus, since 1939, Selma Mikels Bachelis has been a
member of the Communist Party, constantly devoted to furthering its
interests and using the legal education she gained at the State Uni-
versity for the purpose of aiding the agents of a foreign government to
destroy us.
Esther Shandler has also devoted her legal talents to the same pur-
poses. She was admitted to the State Bar in December, 1945, started
to practice her profession in April, 1946, and one of her first appear-
ances in public on behalf of a Communist client was before this com-
mittee in connection with the death of Everitt Hudson, the student who
was recruited into the Communist Party while attending Stanford
University and murdered while he was attending U. C. L. A. Represent-
atives of the committee had contacted one of the persons who had
information about the Communist activities of the decedent, had been
with him at a Communist meeting the night preceding his death, and
had expressed a willingness to testify fully concerning the circumstances
surrounding this tragic case. A committee representative was en route
to see the witness when he discovered she had been contacted by at-
torneys for the Communist Party and terrorized to the point that she
was afraid to testify. She was nevertheless compelled to appear before
the committee as a witness, and sat next to her attorney, Esther
Shandler, who would not permit her to do more than invoke the Fifth
Amendment over and over again. Immediately after this episode the
witness, Lola "Whang, married Joe Price, another U. C. L. A. student
who had also attended the Communist meeting heretofore mentioned.
Neither of them has ever revealed any facts concerning the Communist
meeting, or the movements of young Hudson during the period im-
mediately preceding his death.
128 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Miss Shandler has appeared on behalf of the Committee for the Pro-
tection of the Foreign Born, the Civil Rights Congress, and has been
identified as a Communist Party member by several witnesses who
were in the party with her.
Pauline Epstein has been practicing the legal profession in Los An-
geles since 1933, has also devoted her time to the representation of
Communist Party members, is retained by the Committee for the Pro-
tection of the Foreign Born, and was considered sufficiently eminent
in aiding the cause of Communism that she was selected to speak at
the American Russian Institute program celebrating the thirty-sixth
anniversary of the Soviet Union in November of 1953. She was Treas-
urer of the Los Angeles Chapter of the Lawyers Guild during 1951
and 1952, and served on its national executive board in 1956 and 1957.
J. Allen Frankel, during his 48 years as an attorney in Los Angeles,
has consistently served the Communist cause. He, too, worked for the
Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born, the International Labor
Defense, Civil Rights Congress and Lawyers Guild. He has been a
Communist Party member for many years.
Charles Katz has practiced law in Los Angeles for more than 20
years, and, in addition to his activities in the Lawyers Guild and the
other familiar fronts, has acted as counsel for some of the more no-
torious party functionaries. He has specialized as somewhat of a
Marxist theoretician, and was a member of the executive board of the
Arts, Sciences and Professions Council and the Jewish People's Fra-
ternal Order. Mr. Katz has also been unmasked and his Communist
affiliation disclosed.
Ben Margolis has been exceedingly busy as a Communist and a mem-
ber of the State Bar. He was treasurer of the San Francisco Lawyers
Guild in 1937, has taught in Communist schools, belonged to all of the
important fronts, was associated in the same law office with Leo
Gallagher and Charles Katz, and has recruited many other lawyers
into the party.
John L. McTernan is a Communist lawyer in Los Angeles, has been
active in the Lawyers Guild and the other fronts that proved so at-
tractive to his legal comrades.
John W. Porter was admitted to the bar in 1935, and has since fol-
lowed the familiar pattern of activity: Lawyers Guild, Committee for
Protection of the Foreign Born, and Civil Rights Congress. He also
served in several federal agencies: Department of Labor, National
Labor Relations Board, Department of Justice, Office of Price Admin-
istration and "War Labor Board. He has been a member of the Com-
munist Party for many years.
Rose S. Rosenberg, another Los Angeles Communist, has devoted her
legal talents to composing and submitting briefs to the United States
Supreme Court in an effort to influence it in favor of Communist in-
terests. She is a prolific circulator of open letters, petitions and resolu-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 129
tions, and was especially active in behalf of Julius and Ethel Rosen-
berg, who were executed as atomic spies.
Seymour Mandel, identified as a Communist lawyer in Los Angeles,
served as executive secretary of the Lawyers Guild in that city and
has acted as attorney for both of the Communist legal fronts — the
Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born and the Civil Rights
Congress. Mr. Mandel's specialty, however, seems to have been in rep-
resenting aliens who have been charged with subversive affiliations or
activities and who were being processed for deportation by the United
State Immigration and Naturalization Service.
Samuel Rosenwein served as general counsel for the Civil Rights
Congress, has affiliated with many Communist front organizations, and
in 1949 acted as chairman of the Civil Liberties Committee of the
National Lawyers Guild. He has also been identified as a Communist
Party member.
Richard L. Rykoff practices law in Los Angeles. According to sworn
testimony he affiliated with the special lawyers group in that city,
which is the modern counterpart of the old lawyers unit of the Pro-
fessional Section that we have earlier referred to, and which provides
an organizational unit within the party structure that serves to bring
together various professional groups in order that they can better
correlate and execute their party assignments and activities. On sev-
eral occasions Rykoff telephoned to Mrs. Anita Schneider in San Diego.
He knew her as an active member of the party in that city and sent
her directions from time to time. On one occasion he advised her to
evade the law by making false representations to the State Department
in applying for a passport to travel behind the Iron Curtain, and on
another occasion he advised her concerning the exhibition of Commu-
nist propaganda films to the members of a party-dominated front or-
ganization in San Diego. Unfortunately for Mr. Rykoff, he was unaware
that at the time he was having these transactions with Mrs. Schneider
believing her to be a loyal member of the Communist conspiracy, that
she was actually an undercover agent for the Federal Bureau of In-
vestigation. Rykoff has represented the Los Angeles Committee for
protection of the Foreign Born, has filed briefs before the United States
Supreme Court in an effort to influence its decisions, has represented
the Civil Rights Congress and has been affiliated with the National
Lawyers Guild.
In the northern part of the State, particularly in the San Francisco
bay area, both in San Francisco and Alameda Counties, the Communist
lawyers followed the same general pattern as their comrades in the
south. Aubrey Grossman and Richard Gladstein were the legal kingpins
in the Communist machinery for that region, and while we have already
alluded to the latter, we have not yet given any details about the activi-
ties of Mr. Grossman although we have mentioned him from time to
time in various reports during the last 18 years. Grossman is a graduate
of the University of California at Berkeley and attended its law school.
6— L-4361
130 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
He affiliated with the Young Communist League while still a student,
and, according to the testimony of one of his law school faculty mem-
bers, was so busy with Young Communist League activities while
studying law that he had some difficulty in maintaining the necessary
scholarship average prerequisite to his graduation.56
Grossman's record is both long and interesting. As we stated in our
1943 report, he graduated from the University of California in the
winter of 1932, and from the law school of that institution three years
thereafter, being admitted to practice his profession in this state in
May, 1936. In 1934, Grossman participated in a long series of Commu-
nist line activities at the university. He appeared as a speaker at many
protest meetings held at Sather Gate, and was active in the students'
strike at the university which was sponsored by the Communist Party
through one of its fronts known as the National Student League. On
July 3, 1935, he participated in another Sather Gate meeting called by
the Communist Party to incite students to proceed to San Francisco
and take part in a "bloody Thursday" parade commemorating the
Communist-directed general strike of 1934. He has been associated
with the National Student League, the Student Eights Association, the
Social Problem Club, the American Youth Congress, the Anti-War
Committee, the Anti-ROTC Committee Youth Section — all while he
was still a student, and with virtually every major front organization
in the United States since that time. His application for admission to
the State Bar of California was accompanied by a vigorous protest
filed by the American Legion, and shortly after his admission the
Western Worker, then the Communist newspaper in this State and
lineal ancestor of the Daily People's World, announced that Grossman
was the lawyer who would work in behalf of International Labor
Defense.
Minutes of the Communist Party state convention held in San Fran-
cisco, May 14-15, 1937, in the committee's files, reflect that Grossman
was elected a member of the State Committee of the Communist Party
and pledged himself to recruit at least 10 new members. As early as
1941, two former Communist Party members, one of them the head of
the entire East Bay Communist organization, testified before this com-
mittee that they had known Grossman as a member of the Young Com-
munist League and the Communist Party during the time he was a
student at the university.57
In 1936, Grossman associated himself with Richard Gladstein, Ben
Margolis and Harold Sawyer — all Communists, and started his long
career of devoting his education and his license to practice law for the
benefit of the international Communist conspiracy. He and Gladstein
acted as attorneys for some of the defendants in the notorious King-
69 See testimony of the late Prof. Max Radin before the California Joint Fact-finding
Committee on Un-American Activities, San Francisco, Dec. 3, 1941, Transcript Vol.
VI, pp. 1768-1783.
67 See testimony of Miles G. Humphrey, California Joint Fact-finding Committee on
Un-American Activities, Transcript Vol. V, pp. 1616-1631 ; testimony of Donald
Morton, Transcript Vol. VI, pp. 1793-1794.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 131
Ramsay-Conner murder ease, which involved the slaying of George
Alberts, engineer for a vessel known as the Point Looos. Since King,
Ramsay and Conner were identified as Communists, and since one of
the other defendants, George Wallace, turned state's evidence, the
entire Communist apparatus in the Bay area was alerted to whip up
propaganda in behalf of the defendants. That is, all of the defendants
except Mr. Wallace, whom they ignored. Earl Warren, now Chief
Justice of the United States Supreme Court, was then the District
Attorney of Alameda County, and he personally prosecuted the case.
This was Mr. Warren's first head-on clash with the Communist Party,
and he said many unpleasant things about it and its methods.
The murder occurred in 1937, and shortly thereafter Mr. Warren
was elected Attorney General of California. We have already alluded
to the fact that the Communists capitalized on the liberal administra-
tion of Governor Culbert L. Olson and managed to infiltrate the state
government to the extent that they literally surrounded him with un-
dercover party members. When he exercised his high office to parole
King, Ramsay and Conner but left George Wallace, the non-Communist
who had turned state's evidence, to languish in the penitentiary, Earl
Warren became greatly incensed. This committee, then known as the
California Joint Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American Activities,
held a long and detailed hearing in San Francisco. Earl Warren ap-
peared as a witness before us, and the transcript of his testimony is
most illuminating. He described the Communist propaganda machinery
that was mobilized to protect King, Ramsay and Conner, described
the role of George Wallace in aiding the prosecution but being ignored
by both the Communists and the Governor, and said a great many
heated and emphatic things against the Communist movement in gen-
eral and its antics during the Point Looos trial in particular. We will
allude to this episode later in this report when we discuss the recent
decisions of the United States Supreme Court in the field of internal
security.
The first time Aubrey Grossman ever stepped on a witness stand
before a legislative committee investigating subversive activities was
before this committee about 18 years ago. On that occasion he denied
that he had ever been affiliated with a Communist front organization,
the Young Communist League or the Communist Party. In 1945 his
efforts on behalf of the Communist movement were such that he was
rewarded by being made Educational Director of the Communist Party
of San Francisco, and the committee files contain letterheads of that
organization with Mr. Grossman 's name prominently displayed thereon.
He has attended both state and national Community Party conven-
tions; he had represented many Communist-dominated unions, and he
was appointed Director of the Civil Rights Congress for the entire
Pacific coast region shortly after that organization was launched in
1946. Under his direction this legal branch of international Red aid
flourished so successfully that he was called to the east in order to
132 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
assist in developing it in other parts of the country. In 1950, he became
National Organizational Secretary of the Civil Rights Congress, and a
year later was in sole charge of the entire structure nationally.
During the late forties this committee held a series of hearings con-
cerning the Civil Rights Congress, the American-Russian Institute and
the California Labor School, the Communist educational institution in
San Francisco. Immediately Grossman alerted his organization of Bay
area lawyers for a series of lectures calculated to teach prospective wit-
nesses before the committee how to conduct themselves when on the
witness stand. Mr. Richard Gladstein participated in such a panel as
its presiding officer at the California Labor School in 1951. In 1953,
Grossman decided to resume his private law practice and associated
himself with Bertram Edises and Robert Treuhaft in Oakland. Both
of his new associates have been identified as Communists, and their
firm also had an associate by the name of Robert L. Condon who had
been a member of the California State Assembly, was elected to Con-
gress, started to go to Nevada to view an atomic bomb test, but was
prevented from doing so by the government because he was deemed a
security risk. Condon is also a graduate of the University of California,
and was formerly employed by the government as chief enforcement
attorney for the Office of Price Administration of Northern California
in 1942. One of the attorneys who worked under him was Mrs. Doris
Brin Walker, who will be mentioned later in this section and who re-
ceived considerable attention in our 1955 report. At the present writing,
Mr. Grossman is still enthusiastically devoting virtually all of his time
and talents to traveling about the country on behalf of the Communist
Party and its front organizations.
We have already alluded to Mr. Richard Gladstein at some length
in this and preceding reports. He was admitted to the Bar in 1931,
has acted as attorney for the Communist-infected Marine Cooks &
Stewards Union before that organization was expelled from the CIO
in 1950, has been counsel for the Committee for Protection of the
Foreign Born, the Civil Rights Congress, and a wide variety of Com-
munist fronts and Communist-dominated unions. Doris Brin Walker,
while an attorney for the Office of Price Administration, lined up a job
with the firm of Gladstein, Grossman, Sawyer and Edises to specialize
in the handling of labor cases. All Communists, as we have said, will
resort to every possible artifice, ruse, strategem, and even lies for the
purpose of promoting each other. An example of this sort of practice is
to be found in the action of Francis McTernan, who deliberately falsi-
fied material facts on the application of Doris Brin Walker for a job
with Cutter Laboratory. This matter was thoroughly covered in our
1955 report, heretofore mentioned.
George R. Anderson has also been repeatedly identified as a Commu-
nist, and was one of the first lawyers in San Francisco to take a par-
ticularly active part in the International Labor Defense. He also was
prominent in helping to organize the International Juridical Associa-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 133
tion, which was a division of the ILD to which a great many Commu-
nist lawyers throughout the United States were attracted. Anderson
has also been identified with practically every major Communist front
in the bay area, has acted as counsel for various Communist-dominated
unions, and has been prominent in his legal work for the Committee for
Protection of the Foreign Born, the National Lawyers Guild and the
Civil Rights Congress.
Anderson, during one phase of his career, devoted a great deal of
time to the representation of Communist members of various water-
front unions who had been arrested for resorting to violence against
non-Communists in their organization. These cases would invariably
arise from severe beatings and attacks by the Communist element
against anti-Communist individuals, generally referred to along the
waterfront as "dumpings."
Anderson was quite successful in getting his clients off with either
no punishment at all, or extremely mild fines and a few days in jail.
He was a frequent spectator at many of our earlier hearings in the
bay area, but invariably stated that he represented no client but was
merely attending as an interested visitor. He would take a seat in the
front of the room and when a witness gave the slightest indication of
co-operating with the committee by revealing some of his experiences
while a Party member, Anderson would glare at him — presumably in
an effort at intimidation — and while the practice seemed to have little
practical effect, nevertheless it was such a studied pattern of activity
that it intrigued the interest of the committee members.
Charles R. Garry, also identified as a member of the Communist
Party, has been practicing law in San Francisco since about 1938. He
has represented the Civil Rights Congress, the Committee for Protection
of Foreign Born, has been affiliated with a wide variety of Communist
fronts, has acted as counsel for a number of Communist-dominated
unions, and has, in short, followed the general pattern of activity that
runs like a common denominator through the careers of the other law-
yers in this State who have been identified as party members. He, of
course, belongs to the National Lawyers Guild, having joined it imme-
diately upon being admitted to the Bar, has served as its executive
board member in San Francisco, as President of the San Francisco
Chapter, as a delegate to its national convention, and a member of its
national executive board.
In 1948, Mr. Garry was a candidate for election to the House of
Representatives from the Fifth Congressional District on the Independ-
ent Progressive Party ticket. It will be recalled that this organization
was described in the first section of this report, and was headed state-
wide by Mr. Hugh Bryson, former president of the Marine Cooks &
Stewards Union.
Mr. Garry has, like his comrades in the legal profession, sent numer-
ous petitions to the United States Supreme Court in an effort to in-
fluence its decisions. Obviously, all of these petitions sought to mold
134 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
the court's opinions in consonance with the Communist Party line, and
while some of the other Communist lawyers sent an occasional petition,
Mr. Garry's have been especially numerous and vehement. He has
taught in the Communist school in San Francisco, has also been quite
active in the International Workers Order, a sort of Communist insur-
ance concern operated on a nationwide basis which attracted a great
many racial minority groups. This organization, though now defunct,
was an extremely rich and potent organization. While it was being sus-
pended from operating in California because of its subversive nature,
and pending a revocation of its certificate of operation, its entire file
was stolen from the office of the California Insurance Commission, and
so far as we know it has never been recovered.
In the 1955 report, we devoted a section to the case of Doris Brin
Walker who, by misrepresentation on her employment questionnaire,
obtained a position with the Cutter Laboratories in Berkeley, Califor-
nia, and who was discharged after the employer discovered her Com-
munist affiliation. Mrs. Walker brought a suit against the company for
reinstatement, and the matter was taken up to the Supreme Court of
the United States after which Mrs. Walker was compelled to seek em-
ployment elsewhere.
At the University of California in Berkeley she maintained such an
excellent scholarship average that she was elected to Phi Beta Kappa,
she was graduated from the law school of that institution, worked with
the Office of Price Administration, as has been mentioned in connection
with Aubrey Grossman and Richard Gladstein, she also was associated
with their firm after she left government service, and despite her status
as an attorney and her record as a brilliant student, she deliberately
worked at jobs that were entirely incompatible with her background.
Commencing in 1946, and continuing until 1950, Mrs. Walker worked
for the H. J. Heintz Company, the Bercut-Richards Packing Corpora-
tion and the Cutter Laboratories. She was also an active member and
a minor officer of the Communist fraction in the Cannery Workers
Union and the United Office and Professional Workers of America,
which was almost as Communist-saturated as was the old Marine Cooks
& Stewards Union. Commencing in the latter part of 1948, Mrs. Walker
became interested in politics to the extent of lending her services to the
Independent Progressive Party, as well as to the Civil Rights Congress,
the Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born, the National Law-
yers Guild, the Daily People's World, and the usual wide variety of
Communist front organizations and activities that are characteristic of
the other Party members whose records are outlined above.
Mrs. Walker, who is also known as Doris Marasse, has been repeat-
edly identified by sworn testimony as a member of the Communist
Party — a fact which was thoroughly established during her legal con-
troversy with the Cutter Laboratories — and is presently the wife of
Mason Roberson, a reporter for the Daily People 's World.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 135
It will be recalled that we have explained how, some 18 years ago,
Abraham L. Wirin came to Visalia with a young woman graduate of
the University of California Law School by the name of Selma Mikels,
who assisted him in the defense of Bronislaus Joseph Zukas. In 1958
Abraham L. Wirin went to San Francisco to defend John Powell, his
wife and his associate, who were arrested by the United States Govern-
ment and charged with printing false accusations against the armed
forces of this country, charging them with the use of germ warfare
during the war in Korea. He was also assisted by another woman grad-
uate of the University of California Law School — Doris Brin Walker,
also known as Doris Marasse, and also known as Mrs. Mason Roberson.
These are only a few of the members of the California State Bar
who have been positively identified as Communists. There are many
others : men like Lawrence R. Sperber, Fred H. Steinmetz, and Jack
Tenner — but there is little to be gained at this point by mentioning
all of them, except to point out that they all belong to the National
Lawyers Guild, which is a Communist-dominated organization, that
they prostitute their profession by giving clandestine aid and sup-
port to the Communist Party by teaching in its schools, recruiting
lawyers as its members, using the representatives of its lawmaking
bodies, both federal and state, and its courts for the purpose of emitting
the most defiant and militant Communist propaganda; by aiding the
international conspiracy on all fronts and in every possible manner
during the whole of their time and in a manner wholly inconsistent
with their solemn obligation to support and defend the state and
nation where they are privileged to practice their profession.
It is little wonder that the Communist Party has placed such enor-
mous emphasis on the recruitment of lawyers to its ranks, and that it
leans so heavily upon them for guidance, advice and protection. Since
the International Labor Defense changed its name to the Civil Rights
Congress, and since that organization was exposed and withered away,
the Lawyers Guild, the Citizens Committee for Protection of the
Foreign Born and, in some localities, the American Civil Liberties
Union, are carrying forward the work. All of these lawyers are con-
stantly bombarding the federal courts, and particularly the United
States Supreme Court, with petitions and writs of all sorts and are
seeking to intervene as friends of the court for the purpose of influenc-
ing its decisions so the Communist conspiracy can proceed unhampered
to whittle away at our governmental institutions and soften us up for
the eventual kill.58
COMMUNIST FRONT ORGANIZATIONS
The origin of the Communist front is credited to Willi Muenzenberg,
who developed it as an efficient weapon of deceit. We have stated many
times in many reports that no one should be accused of subversion or
68 For a detailed discussion of the role of the Communist lawyer, see : Communist
Legal Subversion, report by the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of
Representatives, Eighty-sixth Congress, First Session. Feb. 16, 1959.
136 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
should be called a fellow-traveler merely because lie unwittingly joined
one or even two of these organizations. They are, by their very nature
and operation, calculated to appeal to the unwary liberal who affiliates
with no idea that the organization is in fact directed by the Communist
Party, and serves as a recruiting medium and a means of expressing
the current party line. There were innumerable fronts designed to
appeal to the emotions of all types of American citizens. There were
fronts for the trade unionists, the racial minority groups, the actors,
the writers, the do-gooders, the too-poor, the too-rich, atomic scientists
laboring in the rarified atmosphere of profound research, teachers, pro-
fessional men, and even little children.
Some of these organizations were so cleverly camouflaged that many
joined and participated in the activities of the group for a considerable
length of time before they realized it was being manipulated by Com-
munists from concealed positions. Obviously, an individual who drifted
into one or two of these organizations, discovered their true nature
and got out should not be a target for criticism. But it is a relatively
simple matter to follow the progression of the indoctrinated individual
from one front organization to another on an ascending degree of
virulency. First joining a relatively innocuous group, then falling for
the sugar-coated recruiting propaganda, then being drawn into several
more front organizations, then beginning to assume positions of au-
thority as an executive secretary, a treasurer or an organizer, then
speaking before groups of front organizations, then participating in
a whole galaxy of fronts — it is not difficult to determine at what point
in this career the individual has become indoctrinated. The party has
of course, gone to the greatest lengths to protect its members against
exposure. Consequently the counter-subversive agencies can get an
excellent idea of whether a person is a Communist by the number of
fronts in which he participates, the length of time he has been engaging
in such activities, his persistent following of the inconsistencies of the
Communist Party line, his long and persistent association with known
members of the Communist Party, his subscription to Communist Party
literature, his attendance at Communist functions, and his efforts to
indoctrinate others and spread the Communist creed. So, membership
in a procession of Communist front organizations, while not neces-
sarily proof of membership in the party itself, nevertheless provides a
reliable indication of a strong tendency in that direction.
As early as 1922, one of the charter members of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union, an old Bolshevik later liquidated in the purges of
1935-1939, had this to say about the methods of the United Front and
its complicated array of organizations : "It is easier and pleasanter to
smash things, but if we have not the power to do so, and if this
method is necessary, we must make use of it ... in the firm trust that
this method will do harm to social democracy, not to us . . . and in the
conviction that we shall crush them in our embrace.59
89 The Red Decade, the Stalinist Penetration of America, by Eugene Lyons, op. cit.,
p. 47.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 137
Among the earliest Communist fronts was the John Reed Club,
named after the American journalist who visited Russia immediately
before, during and after the revolution of 1917. Always an earnest
liberal, Reed waxed enthusiastic about the implications of the revolu-
tion, and wrote a book that was widely published throughout the world,
particularly in this country, called "Ten Days That Shook the World."
John Reed Clubs sprang up like mushrooms all over the United States,
and the ultra-liberals flocked to them in droves. Then came the Friends
of Soviet Russia, then Friends of the Soviet Union, then the various sub-
divisions of the Comintern, including the International Labor Defense,
already described, then the Anti-Imperialist League ; the League Against
War and Fascism ; the League for Peace and Democracy ; the American
Peace Mobilization, a host of fronts through which propaganda and aid
was channeled to the Spanish Loyalists who were fighting in the revolu-
tion, then the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade ; Joint Anti-
Fascist Refugee Committee ; National Council of the Arts, Sciences and
Professions ; Mobilization for Democracy ; the Anti-Nazi League ; the
League of American Writers; International Workers Order; The
Workers Ex-Servicemens League; the National Student League; the
Labor Research Association ; the National Committee for the Defense of
Political Prisoners ; the Workers School ; the Workers Book Shops ; the
International Publishers ; the Workers Library Publishers ; the Pen and
Hammer Club ; the Film and Photo League ; the National Youth Con-
gress ; American Youth for Democracy ; the Labor Youth League ; the
Civil Rights Congress; the League for Women Shoppers; the Tom
Mooney Labor School ; the California Labor School ; the Peoples Educa-
tional Center ; the Twentieth Century Book Shop ; the Progressive Book
Shop ; the International Book Shop ; the American Writers Union ; Com-
mittee for Defense of Mexican-American Youth; Labor's Nonpartisan
League; United Organizations for Progressive Political Action; Inde-
pendent Progressive Party ; the Actors Laboratory Theatre ; the Holly-
wood Writers Mobilization; Northern California Committee for Aca-
demic Freedom ; the American-Russian Institute ; the National Lawyers
Guild — all of these and many times this number of Communist con-
trolled organizations were flourishing in California at one time or
another.
In addition, there were the sporadic and temporary fronts whipped
up to plug for a temporary switch in the party line, such as the clamor
for the opening of a second front during the early stages of World War
II, the fronts that proclaimed ' ' the Yanks are Not Coming, ' ' that were
active just before the Soviet Union was invaded and went out of ex-
istence the day afterwards, and other fronts to bring the troops home
from Korea immediately, to get out of Formosa, to recognize Com-
munist China, to scrap all of our atomic weapons, and for the defense
of numerous Communist functionaries and notables like the func-
tionaries who were convicted under the Smith Act, indeed, every im-
138 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
portant Communist who became embroiled with the law had a ' ' defense
committee" that sprang into action to provide funds and stir up senti-
ment in his behalf.
The Attorney General's List
So far as we know there has never been published a reliable explana-
tion of how the government uses membership in front organizations
for the purpose of evaluating the loyalty of its prospective employees
in sensitive positions. In June, 1957, the Commission on Government
Security published its 807-page report at the conclusion of two years
of intensive analysis of the entire security posture of the United States.
This survey included the civilian loyalty program, the military per-
sonnel program, the document classification program, the atomic energy
program, the industrial security program, port security, international
organizations (including the United Nations), passport security, civil
air transport security, immigration and nationality program, the Attor-
ney General's list of front organizations, the right of persons accused
of disloyalty to be confronted with witnesses against them, the subpena
power of the government in loyalty cases, and the privilege against
self-incrimination.
The Attorney General of the United States, acting on field investiga-
tions by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, compiled a list of Com-
munist front organizations and disseminated it throughout all of the
government offices where it would be of practical value in insuring
the loyalty of employees. Since the Commission on Government Secu-
rity made an intensive study of this entire matter, and since it has
never before been presented, and because it has a decidedly practical
application in California, we quote from the report herewith.
In June, 1941, Congress appropriated $100,000 for the Federal
Bureau of Investigation to "investigate the employees of every depart-
ment, agency, and independent establishment of the Federal Govern-
ment who are members of subversive organizations or advocate the
overthrow of the Federal Government," and directed the bureau to
report its findings to the agencies and to Congress. (Public Law 135,
Seventy-seventh Congress.) In 1941 also, Congress began the practice of
attaching riders to the regular appropriations acts — a practice which
continued during World War II and for a number of years thereafter —
barring compensation to "any person who advocates, or who is a mem-
ber of an organization that advocates the overthrow of the Government
of the United States by force or violence ; provided, that for the purpose
hereof an affidavit shall be considered prima facie evidence that the
person making the affidavit does not advocate, and is not a member of
an organization that advocates, the overthrow of the Government of
the United States by force or violence; provided, further, that any
person who advocates or who is a member of an organization that advo-
cates the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force or
violence and accepts employment, the salary or wages for which are
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 139
paid from any appropriation contained in this act, shall be guilty of a
felony, and, upon conviction, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or
imprisoned for not more than one year, or both."
The appropriation for the Federal Bureau of Investigation pointed
up the questions raised by this series of acts : What organizations were
"subversive" and who was to determine that fact? It will be noted
that Congress included no organizations by name in the acts, except
in the Selective Service and the Emergency Relief Appropriation Acts ;
nor did it set up machinery for a definition of "subversive" which
would be binding* on all departments ; nor did it name or empower any
specific agency to make a determination.
In order that the Federal Bureau of Investigation might carry out
its mandate to investigate despite the omissions in its appropriations
act, the then Attorney General, Francis Biddle, in June 1941, advised
the Federal Bureau of Investigation that the Communist Party and the
German- American Bund, named in the acts mentioned above, and seven
other organizations came within the congressional intent.60 This in-
tent appears to have been made out from the language in the act
dealing with advocacy of overthrow of the Federal Government, to-
gether with the legislative history of the act.
On March 16, 1942, the Civil Service Commission, pursuant to Execu-
tive Orders 9063 (7 f. r. 1075) and 9067 (7 f. r. 1407), adopted War
Service Regulation II, Section 3 (7 f. r. 7723), providing that an appli-
cant might be denied appointment if there is "a reasonable doubt as
to his loyalty to the Government of the United States," and stating
this matter might be considered in determining whether removal of
an incumbent employee will "promote the efficiency of the service."
These regulations were rescinded in 1946, with the cessation of armed
hostility.
The Attorney General's list, as it came to be called, made its first
public appearance on Sept. 24, 1942. On that date Congressman Martin
Dies of Texas, in reply to statements made as to the usefulness of the
investigation carried on by the House Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities, read on the floor of the House of Representatives excerpts from
what he termed a ' ' photostatic copy ' ' of the confidential memorandum
which was distributed to the heads of the respective departments, in
which the Attorney General branded 12 organizations as Communist
controlled. Each of the excerpts, headed "strictly confidential," began
with the following caveat:
"Note. — The following statement does not purport to be a com-
plete report on the organization named. It is intended only to ac-
quaint you, without undue burden of details, with the nature of
the evidence which has appeared to warrant an investigaiton of
charges of participation.
*> Memorandum, the Federal Loyalty-Security Programs, submitted to Commission on
Government Security by Attorney General Brownell under covering letter dated
Dec. 11, 1956.
140 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
It is assumed that each employee's case will be decided upon
all the facts presented in the report of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation and elicited, where a hearing is ordered, by the
Board or Committee before which the employee is given an oppor-
tunity to appear.
Please note that the statement is marked 'strictly confidential'
and is available only for use in administration of mandate Public
Law 135."
It then went on to describe at some length the organization, mem-
bership requirements, history, leadership, and program of the named
organization, and to discuss the extent of Communist control over it.
The organizations mentioned were : American League Against "War and
Fascism, the American League for Peace and Democracy, the American
Peace Mobilization, the League of American Writers, the National
Committee for Defense for Political Prisoners, National Committee for
People's Rights, the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties,
National Negro Congress, Washington Cooperative Book Shop and
Washington Committee for Democratic Action.
On February 5, 1943, President Roosevelt issued Executive Order
9300, citing as his authority therefor Title 1 of the First War Powers
Act, 1941, and his powers as President. This order established within
the Department of Justice a new interdepartmental committee on em-
ployee investigation, composed of five members appointed by the Presi-
dent from among the officers or employees of the "departments, inde-
pendent establishments, and agencies of the Federal Government. ' '
Executive Order 9300 remained in effect until March 21, 1947, when
President Truman revoked it and issued Executive Order 9835, which
instituted the so-called loyalty program. Citing as authority the Con-
stitution and Statutes of the United States, including the Civil Service
Act of 1883 (22 Stat. 403), as amended, and Section 9-A of the Act
approved August 2, 1939 (18 U.S.C. 61 (i)), and his powers as Presi-
dent and Chief Executive of the United States, the order set up a
loyalty review board and, in Part III, Section III, directed :
' ' The Loyalty Review Board shall currently be furnished by the
Department of Justice the name of each foreign or domestic organ-
ization, association, movement, group or combination * * *
which the Attorney General, after appropriate investigation and
determination designates as totalitarian, Fascist, Communist, or
subversive, or as having adopted a policy of advocating or approv-
ing the commission of acts of force or violence to deny others their
rights under the Constitution of the United States, or as seeking
to alter the form of Government of the United States by unconsti-
tutional means.
" (a) The Loyalty Review Board shall disseminate such informa-
tion to all departments and agencies. ' '
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 141
The list was forwarded by the board in December, 1947, and made
public by printing in the Federal Register on March 20, 1948. (13 F. R.
1471) ; at that time it comprised 82 organizations, 35 of which were
named for the first time.
The list as disseminated after October 21, 1948, did, in a sense,
characterize the organizations, for they were listed under the six head-
ings set up by the order. Those names ranged from the Ku Klux Klan
and Silver Shirt Legion of America, to the Communist Party, U. S. A. ;
and the Jefferson School of Social Science. The practice of using de-
scriptive headings was abandoned when Executive Order 9835 was
revoked by Executive Order 10450 in April, 1953.
The first, and thus far the only, real Supreme Court review of the
list came in 1951 in Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee vs. McGrath.
(341 U. S. 123, 1951). In this case the Refugee Committee, the National
Council of American-Soviet Friendship and its affiliates, and the Inter-
national Workers Order sued in Federal District Court for injunctive
relief. They recited irreparable damage from being listed without hear-
ing, both in terms of public support and harrassment by administrative
agencies of state and federal governments with which they dealt. The
District Court granted the Attorney General's motion to dismiss on the
grounds that no claims were stated on which relief could be granted.
The Court of Appeals affirmed.
Justice Burton announced the judgment of the Supreme Court, but
no opinion, in itself, commanded a majority. Five justices held that the
plaintiffs had standing to sue, although there was disagreement whether
this arose from injury to the organizations or from a standpoint of
vindicating the rights of their members. Four justices agreed that list-
ing without notice at the hearing was improper, either on constitutional
grounds or as a violation of Executive Order 9835. Justice Burton held
that the government's motion to dismiss admitted, for purposes of the
decision, that the Attorney General had acted arbitrarily, and took no
position on the broader issue. Three dissenting Justices (Reed, Vinson
and Minton) would have upheld the judgments of the courts below.
Justice Clark did not participate in the case.
On remand to the District Court, cross-motions of both the plaintiffs
and the Attorney General for summary judgment were denied, as was
the plaintiffs' petition for a temporary injunction. In this action, the
Attorney General filed long affidavits giving reasons for listing each
of the organizations; these are summarized in the opinion. He also
argued that security regulations would not permit disclosure of many
confidential reports and sources of information on which his determina-
tions were based. The District Court did not resolve this issue in its
opinion. Certiorari directly to the Supreme Court to review the denial
of the temporary injunction was denied; appeal to the Courts of Ap-
peals resulted in affirmation of the denial. In the same opinion, the
Appellate Court reversed a subsequent dismissal of the suit because of
mootness; the Attorney General, in the meanwhile, had set up the
hearing procedure outlined below, and had argued that the court case
142 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
was moot pending the plantiffs availing themselves of this administra-
tive procedure. The Appellate Court ordered the District Court to rein-
state the case and give the plaintiffs time to ask for a hearing under a
new procedure. They did not file for such a hearing within the 10 days
allowed, however, and the District Court held that their failure to act
constituted acquiescence in the designation. This decision was affirmed
by the Circuit Court of Appeals on February 28, 1957. The Interna-
tional Workers Order forwarded a letter of protest to the Attorney
General on June 12. 1953, indicating that the organization neither
acquiesced in the designation nor wished to participate in a hearing.
It appears that as a result of the opinions expressed by members of
the Supreme Court in the McGrath ease, Attorney General Brownell
published on May 6, 1953, Attorney General's Order No. 11-53, which
provided, in part :
" (b) Whenever the Attorney General after appropriate investi-
gation proposes to designate an organization pursuant to Executive
Order 9835 or Executive Order 10450, or both, notice of such pro-
posed designations shall be sent by registered mail to such organiza-
tion at its last known address. If the registered notice is delivered,
the organization, within 10 days following its receipt or 10 days
following the effective date of Executive Order 10450, whichever
shall be later, may file with the Attorney General * * * a written
notice that it desires to contest such designation. If the notice of
proposed designation is not delivered and is returned by the Post
Office Department, the Attorney General shall cause such notice to
be published in the Federal Register, supplemented by such addi-
tional notice as the Attorney General may deem appropriate.
Within 30 days following such publication in the Federal Register,
such organization may file with the Attorney General * * * a
written notice that it desires to contest such designation. Failure
to file a notice of contest within such period shall be deemed an
acquiescence in such proposed action, and the Attorney General
may thereupon after appropriate determination designate such
organization and publish such designation in the Federal
Register."
The Commission on Government Security pointed out that wide-
spread public knowledge of the list's contents may have served a use-
ful purpose in putting citizens on notice of possible loss of employment
from too active membership in one of the named organizations. The
activities of the Subversive Activities Control Board, which is designed
to make judicial determination, with attendant safeguards, and require
public registration of organizations and their members, may eventually
replace this function of the Attorney General's list. The tremendous
time and effort required for hearings before this board, together with
possible necessity of disclosing confidential information or informants,
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 143
should be borne in mind, however, in view of the fact that some 20,000
new employees are hired each month.61
The commission recommended that the Attorney General's list be
continued, but a statutory basis for its maintenance and the listing of
organizations should be authorized only after a full F. B. I. investiga-
tion and an opportunity for the organization to be heard by examiners
of a central office which the commission urges be established, with right
of appeal to a central review board. Decisions of examiners in the field
and the central review board would be advisory only so far as the
Attorney General's office is concerned.
This recommendation, if adopted, will correct misuse of the Attorney
General's list of subversive organizations by laymen. There has been
a tendency on the part of some employing concerns to assume that
anyone who has been affiliated with any of these organizations on
the list must have subversive tendencies. Actually, unless one has the
necessary experience and information to realize that these organizations
vary from the relatively innocent to the extremely dangerous, he is
not in a position to evaluate the record of any of his employees. Liter-
ally thousands of sincere and loyal persons were attracted to various
front organizations during the period of open party activity, and
particularly during the era of the United Front from 1935 to 1945.
Since the entire Communist Party line is carefully groomed and
tailored to exert the widest possible appeal, it exerts a powerful attrac-
tion to opponents of racial and religious discrimination, proponents
of better housing and working conditions, supporters of an idealistic
world government, pacifists, those who wish to immediately discontinue
all atomic weapons tests and who yearn for peace at any price, and a
widely assorted group of ultra-liberals.
These non-Communists made up the bulwark of membership in all of
the front organizations during the period of open party activity, since
there were not enough party members to keep the organization financed
and active. The effect of these highly articulate Communist fronts on
American public opinion is simply incalculable. By exchanging their
membership lists, it was possible for petitions, telegrams and letters
bearing thousands of names to be mustered almost over night and
channeled into the offices of state and federal legislators to influence
their votes in subtle conformity with the existing party line.
A recent example of the effectiveness of this type of propaganda is
seen in the actions of an extremely liberal minority of the World
Order Study Conference, which met under the sponsorship of the
National Council of Churches of Christ in November, 1958. This minor-
ity persuaded the conference to adopt a resolution urging the United
States to immediately recognize Communist China and to admit it to
membership in the United Nations with full privileges. Then a cleverly
worded statement was released to the press, pointedly inferring that
91 See report of the Commission on Government Security, issued pursuant to Public
Law 304, Eighty-fourth Congress, as amended, June, 1957, Washington, D. C,
pp. 645-655.
144 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
these matters were passed, not only by the conference, but by the
national council, which represented a majority of American Protestants.
Rev. Daniel A. Poling, and the Rev. Norman Vincent Peale, having
taken the trouble to learn something about the Communist techniques
of propaganda and front organization activities, became suspicious and
began a poll of 45,000 Protestant preachers. Of the 8,572 answers
already received, 87 percent voted against the resolution, 11 percent
in favor of it and 2 percent expressed no opinion.
Most of the largest and active front organizations that nourished
during the period of the party's open activity have been quietly liqui-
dated. This was caused by persistent and constant exposure of their
concealed control by the many hearings conducted by committees on
un-American Activities, by hearings before the Subversive Activities
Control Board and publication of the Attorney General's list of sub-
versive organizations. This sort of exposure, as we have pointed out,
hoisted the warning signals for all to see and took away much of the
camouflage that had been concealing the Communist character of the
organizations from public scrutiny. This stripping aside of the pro-
tective coloration also took away much of the excuse from even the most
naive liberals for affiliating with these movements innocently. And
after the Khrushchev speech at the Twentieth Congress of the Com-
munist Party of the Soviet Union in February, 1956, the signal was
given for the launching of the Second United Front period and the
Communists throughout the world began to function through existing
non-Communist organizations of a liberal character, rather than
through its own galaxy of front organizations.
At the present time we still have a few of the more potent front
organizations doing business on a rather active scale. The Citizens Com-
mittee for Protection of the Foreign Born is especially active in Los
Angeles and San Francisco ; the Citizens Committee to Preserve Ameri-
can Freedoms is also active in both cities, but especially in Los Angeles ;
the American-Russian Institute, which seeks to foster trust and con-
fidence in all things Soviet, is still active, as is the Emergency Civil
Liberties Committees which was created in 1951, after the American
Communists began to retreat to underground positions. We have
already described the National Lawyers Guild, and we should not
conclude this section without referring to the Los Angeles Chapter of
the American Civil Liberties Union.
In previous reports we have traced the origin and development of
the American Civil Liberties Union as a national organization. We have
also, from time to time, discussed the activities of its branches in San
Francisco and Los Angeles. During the middle thirties and for a short
period in 1946 and 1947, we received evidence that we believed justified
the statements appearing in our 1943 and 1948 reports to the effect
that the American Civil Liberties Union in California had become a
transmission belt for the dissemination of Communist propaganda. We
do not believe that the American Civil Liberties Union nationally is in
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 145
any sense subversive; a part of its function is the protection of civil
liberties of all people, regardless of the fact that some of them may
be members of the Communist Party or other subversive organizations.
The American Civil Liberties Union has also defended the right of
Gerald L. K. Smith to make public addresses, and during the last
war it performed similar services in defending the rights of members
of the German-American Bund, especially on the Pacific coast and
particularly in California. The Southern California chapter of this
organization has, however, devoted an unusually large part of its time
and energies to the protection and defense of Communist Party mem-
bers, and to the support of Communist organizations and fronts.
It is difficult to make a firm and permanent evaluation of an organ-
ization like the Southern California Chapter of the American Civil
Liberties Union. As its personnel fluctuates, so does the ideological
character of the institution itself. The national organization has a pol-
icy that no member of the Communist Party can hold an office. This
move, obviously motivated because of a realization that the Communist
Party is a subversive organization and that it poses a constant and
deadly menace to the preservation of all of our cherished institutions,
has not been reflected by the activities of its Southern California branch
in recent years. We make no criticism, of course, because the Los An-
geles Chapter, like the other chapters of the American Civil Liberties
Union, protects the civil rights of Communists as well as other people.
It is a fact, however, that in addition to carrying out the regular func-
tions of the organization, some of its representatives and some of its
officers have persistently attended Communist front meetings, have
joined many Communist fronts, and have participated at banquets and
receptions honoring some of the leading Communists of the United
States. Such activities are hardly in conformity with the anti-Commu-
nist policy of the national organization and most of its chapters through-
out the United States.
Several years ago a schoolteacher in the northern part of the state
was accused of being subversive by a radio commentator whose broad-
cast alleged that she was a member of the United World Federalists,
which he described as a Communist dominated organization. As a
result of these broadcasts and criticisms the teacher was discharged.
She brought a suit for reinstatement and for damages against the com-
mentator and the radio station that employed him, and a representative
of this committee went to San Francisco as an expert witness. He testi-
fied that we had never listed the United World Federalists as a sub-
versive organization, had no evidence that it was Communist controlled,
and that we did have evidence that it was not a Communist front.
Such an organization is an obvious target for Communist infiltration,
but by the same token so is the American Civil Liberties Union, be-
cause it espouses the defense of unpopular causes and members of un-
popular organizations ; and so is every trade union because through
control of industry a country can be paralyzed ; and so is every edu-
cational institution because they are lush fields for indoctrination and
146 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
recruiting and provide future intellectual leadership for the Communist
Party. Some chapters of a national organization may be penetrated
at one time or another to such an extent that they become transmission
belts for the Communist Party line; at the same time, other chapters
of the same organization may be militantly anti-Communist. One of the
most militantly anti-Communist chapters of the American Civil Lib-
erties Union, indeed, is situated in Washington, D. C, and the National
Director of the ACLU, Mr. Patrick Murphy Malin, is certainly no
friend of Communism. The Los Angeles Chapter of the American Civil
Liberties Union, by permitting its officers and official representatives to
participate in Communist front meetings and propaganda activities, is
hardly being objective, and if it resents charges of partiality towards
the extreme Left, these criticisms are generated by its own activities
and it has no one to blame but itself.
The Communist Book Stores
Before concluding this section on Communist front organizations, we
should say a word about the two major propaganda outlets in this
state : The International Book Store in San Francisco, and the Progres-
sive Book Store in Los Angeles. The former is located at 1408 Market
Street near the Fox Theater, and the latter is located at 1806 "West
Seventh Street. Such stores are nothing more than Communist fronts,
since they carry and disseminate party literature and propaganda ma-
terial from all over the world. In these stores one can purchase propa-
ganda material from Red China, from all of the Iron Curtain countries,
from North Korea and North Viet Nam, from Indonesia, from the
Middle East countries, from Africa, from England, Italy, France,
Germany, Mexico, South American countries, and inordinately large
amounts from India. In addition, one may purchase current editions of
the weekly Communist newspaper printed in California, the People's
World, also copies of the Daily Worker from New York, copies of
Political Affairs, the ideological publication of the National Committee
of the Communist Party of the United States from which we have
already quoted extensively, Masses & Mainstream, a cultural publica-
tion under Communist auspices ; and the theoretical organ on Marxism
called Science and Society, which is published in New York. In addi-
tion, there are publications of the National Council of American-Soviet
Friendship, the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, Facts for
Farmers, and the publications of a great many Communist dominated
trade union organizations. We have also received considerable testimony
of indisputable accuracy showing that from these two main outlets for
Communist literature the various units of the Communist Party organ-
ization throughout the pacific coast are kept supplied with material
for study and research.
The person who is usually in charge of the Progressive Book Store in
Los Angeles is Frank Spector, a Russian Communist who has been
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 147
defying efforts to deport him for a good many years, and who has
appeared before this committee as a witness. Until the "secret"
Khrushchev speech in February, 1956, the contents of this book store
were uniformly and militantly Communist. Thereafter a few books
began to appear on the shelves that in the old days would have been
considered completely heretical. For example, before the publication of
Dr. Zhivago by Boris Pasternak, there was a book called Not by Bread
Alone. Dudintsev, the author, held a prominent place in the literary
fraternity of the Soviet Union. During the Stalin regime and until the
Khrushchev speech heretofore mentioned, the clamps of rigid censor-
ship had been tightened to such an extent that no Soviet writer dared
to produce anything that was not in strict conformity with the Com-
munist line, and certainly he would never dare publish a single word
that was even inferentially critical of the Soviet regime. But in the
Khrushchev speech there was a promise that these old rules should be
relaxed, that criticism should be invited, that Bolshevik self-criticism
was an excellent thing, and that writers should be free to publish their
true feelings. This book, Not by Bread Alone, was certainly critical of
the Soviet regime and it rocked the intellectual foundations of the
country. Yet it was being sold in the Progressive Book Store in Los
Angeles by Frank Spector. In addition, even after he had been im-
prisoned in Yugoslavia for such rash heresy, Milovan Djilas' book,
The New Class, was also sold in the Progressive Book Store, as were
copies of the Pasternak book, Dr. Zhivago. No such attitude was taken
in the San Francisco outlet, the books in the International Book Store
clinging steadfastly to the Communist cause, and carrying no item that
was critical of the Soviet regime or the party line. We almost neglected
to say that in addition to the three books already mentioned that
were sold in Los Angeles, there was another, even more indicative,
called The Naked God, by Howard Fast. This book, which is a garbled
but nevertheless angry and vehement criticism of the Communist Party
of the United States published shortly after Fast left the organization,
was roundly lambasted in Political Affairs by a reviewer under the
title, "The Nakedness of Howard Fast." Yet this book was sold with
the three companion volumes heretofore mentioned under the direction
of Frank Spector in the Progressive Book Store in Los Angeles.
Why this sudden deviation from the old and rigid Party line? Ob-
viously, the cause is attributable either to the fact that the Progressive
Book Store wants to divert suspicion from itself or because it has made
a sincere and pronounced deviation from the path of Communist
rectitude. We believe it has done the latter, that it has received great
criticism because of this deviation, and we will set forth our reasons
in detail in that section of the report which is entitled, ' ' Current Com-
munist Techniques."
148 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
THE PARTY GOES UNDERGROUND
During the second World War, Russia received such staggering
quantities of material from the United States, and was so anxious for
the Allies to open a second front and relieve the pressure of the German
attack against the Soviet Union that it was expedient to soft-pedal the
activities of the Communist Party and the hordes of Soviet agents
that had successfully infiltrated some of the most sensitive positions
in our government. Consequently Earl Browder, then the head of the
Communist Party of the United States, was allowed to change the
policy of the party, toning down its brash and defiant activities and
urging Communist collaboration with capitalist powers; changing the
name of the Communist Party to the more innocuous Communist Po-
litical Association, and in general to adopt a soft policy of collabora-
tion. This continued until some months after the war was over, when it
became desirable — from the International Communist standpoint — of
getting affairs back to normal; that is, back to an old anti-capitalist,
militant Communist line. Browder was considered expendable for the
achievement of this purpose. He was criticized by the French theoriti-
cian, Jacques Duclos, when the latter returned from a Moscow confer-
ence, and shortly thereafter was expelled from the Communist Party
of the United States. That organization immediately resumed its old
militant tactics on an even more ambitious scale, and thus invited coun-
ter-measures on the part of our own government officials.
Smith Act prosecutions were commenced after painstaking and
characteristically thorough investigations by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation. It is a well-known fact that the leaders of the American
Communist Party have occupied their positions of authority for many
years, perpetuating themselves in office over and over again. Conse-
quently when these leaders were convicted and taken out of circula-
tion, the party was temporarily demoralized. At the same time there
was a marked acceleration on the part of legislative committees in ex-
posing the front organizations and propaganda media throughout the
country, and these organizations and party organs began to suffer
from a lack of membership and a lack of funds.
It is obvious, of course, that the Communist Party had prepared
itself to some extent for these exigencies. Second- and third-string
squads of leaders had been selected, and the party had also followed
the Kremlin's order to the letter in preparing a parallel underground
party organization that could be activated at a moment's notice. The
federal judiciary was uniformly upholding convictions for contempt by
legislative committees when witnesses arrogantly shouted epithets at
members of federal and state legislatures, and stubbornly refused to
answer the most fundamental questions about places of birth, places
of residence, occupations, and marital status. A long string of un-
broken judicial precedent resulted in fines and jail terms for these
recalcitrant witnesses; the front organizations were running shy of
members and funds, the leaders of the Communist Party were serv-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 149
ing terms in federal penitentiaries after having been convicted in a
series of Smith Act prosecutions — and the federal judiciary had
established solid legal precedent upholding these actions against the
leaders of the Communist conspiracy that was seeking to destroy us
and had been openly proclaiming that purpose for 30 years.
So effective were these counter-measures on the part of our own gov-
ernment that the Communist leaders issued defiant statements. Eugene
Dennis, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the United
States, made an angry declaration after being released from a federal
prison. He had prepared the address for delivery at a meeting of a
Communist front, the Committee to Reverse the Smith Act, sponsored
by the Civil Rights Congress, attended by 3,500 people and held at the
Rockland Palace in Harlem. He was unable to deliver the speech at
the meeting on June 26, 1951, because of illness, and on July 2, of
that year he and six other members of the National Committee of the
Communist Party of the United States began serving their five-year
sentences after having been convicted for violating the Smith Act by
a federal jury. Since some of the remarks contained in this speech not
only established the fact that when Communist leaders print this sort
of material in their official ideological publication it is not to be taken
lightly, and because some of the statements reflected the party 's retreat
to underground positions and its war to bring about a change in the
judicial precedent that was hamstringing its activities, we quote it
liberally. Dennis said:
"Friend and foe alike know that this is an important turning
point in the life of the Communist Party. Never before in the
30 stormy years of our Party's history have 11 of its national
leaders faced long prison terms. Never before have lawyers been
jailed for courageously defending Communists in court. Never be-
fore has the organizing of the vanguard Party of the American
working class been unconstitutionally declared an act of 'criminal
conspiracy.' Never before has our Party — or any other American
political party — been deprived by judicial edict of its legal rights
and constitutional liberties.
These facts are well known. Nobody has any doubts that we
Communists find ourselves in a new situation. And there is much
speculation about what we are going to do now.
But not everybody has grasped the cardinal truth that the
American people are in a new situation. Many who are far from
happy about the Vinson decision [a decision by the U. S. Supreme
Court upholding the validity of the Smith Act prosecutions] have
not yet awakened to the fact that this turning point in the life of
the Communist Party is also a critical turning point in the life
of the Nation.
Many who have been alarmed at the step-at-a-time advances of
Fascist-like reaction over the postwar years are still not aware
150 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
that the process of Fascization and advanced war preparation in I
the U. S. A., are now undergoing a qualitative change.
The Vinson decision nullifies the First Amendment and its |
guarantees of freedom of speech, press, and assembly. This is a
drastic, pro-Fascist encroachment upon the democratic gains and
traditions of the people.
But the Vinson decision does more.
It signalizes the blotting out of constitutional guarantees and
threatens the breakdown of all institutions of bourgeois democracy.
The Wall Street Journal felt obliged to chide Felix Frank-
furter for letting the cat out of the bag. The rule of expediency,
Justice Frankfurter declared in his concurring opinion, is to
become the supreme law; it is no longer necessary to conform to
the Constitution. Six judges have changed the rules to meet the
needs of the Sixty Families of Big Capital. Now Wall Street's
government needs no longer to worry about constitutionality. It
is free from all restraint, except that imposed on it by the people
themselves.
The Vinson decision affects all Americans, because it is a
major victory for pro-Fascist reaction. It gives warning that the
war-mad monopolists mean to lose no time in stepping up the
tempo, expanding the scope, increasing the ferocity of repression.
This victory for the pro-Fascist forces immeasurably increases
the dangers of Fascism and world war.
* * * if the Vinson decision is not effectively challenged, we
are going to have even more rigid thought control than that al-
ready plaguing Americans in every walk of life. But we are
also going to have far more rigid controls over wages, and over
the economic and political activity of the trade unions. Hand in
hand with this will go still greater license for the war profiteers, big
business, exploiters and big-time crime syndicates.
If the Justice Department is permitted to carry out its threat
of mass frameup arrests and prosecutions, many who are far from
being Communist sympathizers will be taken as 'prisoners of war'
— along with the Eleven, the Seventeen, and other Communist
leaders. But those who retain their liberty will not escape new
hardships. The frameup will become a device for imposing ever
more brutal speedup, ever-rising living costs, and ever-declining
of real wages. Those responsible for mounting inflation will not
be among those arrested, nor will the war profiteers. The tax bur-
den will grow and grow.
Every casualty we Communists may suffer will be duplicated
many times over by the people as Wall Street wreaks its vengeance
on the working class and the camp of peace.
Our Party is the vanguard of the Negro people's struggle for
equality and national liberation. If the Communist Party is driven
underground, every lynch-minded white supremacist will come out
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 151
in the open. If Henry Winston and Ben Davis, as well as Eugene
Dennis and Gus Hall, go to jail, police brutality against Negroes
and legal lynchings will mount. If judicial edict can outlaw the
party of Negro-white unity, this same edict can be used to outlaw
all united struggle against discrimination. * * *
Under conditions of legality, we Communists have been work-
ing with some success to win millions to our immediate aims and
programs. That aim is the establishment of a broad peace front,
opposed alike to the war policies of the war-partisan Truman ad-
ministration, MacArthur's 'loyal opposition' and the so-called
'isolationists' like Hoover and Taft. "
Then, after repeating his previous criticism of the Supreme Court
decision upholding the Smith Act conviction, reiterating his propa-
ganda against the capitalist enemy, and quoting from a book written
by William Z. Foster, Chairman of the American Communist Party,
Dennis continued :
"The economic royalists have succeeded in depriving our Party
of its constitutional rights, and now they are determined to im-
prison its leadership and drive the Communist Party underground.
We are going to fight for the liberty of our leaders. We are
going to resist being driven underground. But wherever we are we
are going to be with and among the masses." (Committee's italics.)
#######
"But no matter what happens, our Communist Party is not
doomed to burrow in the dark like a blind mole. To the extent that
we may be driven underground, we carry the beacon light of
Marxist Science with us. Its study and mastery will guide us
under all conditions and constantly replenish our leadership.
Every Communist worthy of the name will be able to lead
broad masses — under any and all circumstances. The more difficult
the conditions imposed on us become, the more essential it is for
every member of our Party to become a better Marxist, in order
to guarantee- that the working class and people may have their
path of struggle illuminated by its light.
Marxism imbues us with working-class principles which are
universal, general, and beyond compromise under any circum-
stances. Marxism enables us to have a clear perspective at all
times, and to care for the future of our class while championing its
present and immediate interest and those of all the people."
"Trade-union struggle will go on in spite of internal 'purges,'
and F.B.I, 'screening' of the workers in industry. It is going o.n
right now in the maritime industry, and there will be other strug-
gles, other strikes — no matter how many Communists go to jail."
"Certainly, the struggle for peace cannot be brought to a close
by any court edict. Recognition of the Chinese People's Republic,
152 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
peaceful negotiation to end the war in Korea, a halt to Anglo-
American moves to complete the rearming of Western Germany
and Japan, a five-power pact of peace — these are slogans of action
aronnd which increasing millions of Americans are going to rally
and organize — Smith Act or no Smith Act !
We Communists are going to fight to the last ditch for our
constitutional and inalienable right to participate openly in these
struggles.
But if we are driven underground — our enemies will not he
able to prevent us from moving ever deeper into the thick of the
people's mass movement.
The forms of struggle may change, to accord with new and
more difficult conditions. But as Marxists we know that the struggle
will go on. And now, even more than "before, the struggle will
decide everything. (Committee's italics.)
Our Party was born in struggle, steeled and educated in
struggle. "We thrive and grow in struggle which brings to our
leadership and ranks the best men and women the working class, the
negro people, and all other sections of the population can produce.
But, as we face up to the manifold problems and difficulties of
this new situation, we recognize the struggle will now bring new
hardships to all of us — and our families.
Under these circumstances, courage of course is indispensable.
And I am confident that, individually and collectively, we Com-
munists have plenty of courage. But personal courage in itself is
not enough. We need the kind of courage that flows from steadfast
conviction and fidelity to principle. We need the courage that is
not to be confused with recklessness, that shows concern for people
and care for the integrity and welfare of the Party as a whole.
We need courage that is accompanied by flexibility and tactics, by
skill in fighting the enemy* (Committee's italics.)
I am confident that our Party, its leadership and its member-
ship, will rise to meet this new challenge and give a good account
of itself before the American working class to which it is
responsible.
But I would remaind you that our Marxist Science warns us at
all times to be on guard against those Right and Left dangers, to
wage the struggle for our correct line and policy always on two
fronts. Now more than even [sic] we must struggle against both
panic and complacency, against sectarianism and adventurism, and
against capitulation and liquidationism.
I think I have already made it clear that there is no ground
now for complacency. And all thoughtful Americans, recalling the
By "The Enemy" Communists express the class struggle which is a basic and in-
dispensable part of Communist ideology, and the enemy refers to every person and
institution that is not pro-Communist, and in particular the judiciary which upheld
the convictions of the Marxian leaders, and the "repression" by the FBI, the legis-
lative committees, and all other governmental agencies engaged in an effort to pro-
tect our country from internal subversion.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 153
catastrophe ushered in by Hitler's Nuremberg decrees, found the
warning of the grave dangers which the Vinson decision holds for
our working class and people. ' ' 62
The F. B. I. had for years been sending its undercover agents deep
into the heart of the American Communist Party. Even as the Russian
espionage apparatus had managed to place its agents, largely recruited
from the ranks of the American party, in many sensitive government
positions, so was the Federal Bureau of Investigation able to place many
of its undercover agents in extremely high and responsible positions in
the Communist movement. Consequently, when the time came to launch
the Smith Act prosecutions, case followed case until the first, second and
third string groups of Communist officials were behind bars and the
party was — for a time — greatly demoralized. This resulted in a retreat
to underground positions accompanied by a grim resolve to bring about
a change in the law which permitted this disruption of the party pro-
gram by locking up the leadership, and also an equally deadly resolu-
tion to fight to the death both the Federal Bureau of Investigation and
legislative committees on un-American Activities. These were no idle
gestures. The party was desperate and it was engaged in a fight for its
very life. The intention to wage warfare on these three fronts, viz.,
against the legal situation that permitted repressive measures against
the party, against the F. B. I., and against the legislative committees,
was, as we shall see, expressed in such angry, vehement and unmistak-
able terms that even the most gullible manic-progressive could not have
the slightest doubt about what the party intended to do.
The phenomenal growth of California since the end of the last war,
the rapid multiplication of its defense industries, its importance as a
communication and transportation center, and its enormous strategic
importance by reason of its physical situation have combined to make it
especially attractive for Communist activity. Consequently, Commu-
nists from all over the United States, and particularly from the Middle
West, have been coming to this state in great numbers. In addition, the
fact that California is contiguous to Mexico gives it an espionage sig-
nificance that we cannot afford to overlook. Intelligence officers who
have had practical experience in the counter-subversive field have
known for years that the espionage activities of the Communist move-
ment in America have been directed both from Canada and from
Mexico, but during the past several years Mexico has achieved a much
greater significance. It was not illogical, then, for the Communist Party
of the United States to plant the nerve center of its underground ap-
paratus in this state.
"Our Cause Is Invincible," by Eugene Dennis. Political Affairs, August, 1951, p. 1-11.
154 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Underground, But Not Deep Enough
From the state capitol at Sacramento a motorist can proceed in a
general northerly direction through magnificent mountain scenery
along State Highway 40 to a little community called Twain Harte.
This part of the state is sparsely settled, and in the summer time
caters to fishermen, hunters and tourists. In a small and isolated
cabin in the vicinity of Twain Harte the Communist Party concealed
the center of its nation-wide underground apparatus. The location had
been picked with great care, both because of its isolated position, be-
cause a party of four or five men and three or four women going in and
out of the area would create no suspicion, and because it would be
relatively simple for them to pose as a party of tourists. Communica-
tion with the other segments of the underground organization was
maintained by courier, as was contact with the two segments of the
California Communist Party, both that which functioned in a relatively
open manner, and that which was a part of the underground. Supplies
of food and other necessities were regularly brought to the cabin, there
were very few visitors, and those responsible for Communist security
felt that they had not only followed all of the basic directions estab-
lished by such Soviet experts as B. Vassiliev, and his Soviet disciple in
the United States, J. Peters, but had also obtained the benefit of the
best specialists the party could produce for the purpose of implement-
ing these basic precepts and taking every possible precaution to insure
the continued secrecy of this very vital center.
But the Federal Bureau of Investigation, now being subjected to a
vicious and widespread attack by the American Communists and their
stooges, was alert to the situation. A number of agents were sent from
the San Francisco field office to northern California, and while posing
as fishermen and tourists maintained a close surveillance on the estab-
lishment and even closer surveillance on every one who entered or left
the premises. There was a good deal of communication between the
F. B. I. field office and "Washington headquarters for the purpose of
perfecting devices whereby our government could obtain information
about the conversations that were occurring between these underground
leaders, about their plans for implementing the secret organization,
concerning strategy and tactics to be placed in operation, and concern-
ing the nature of the rest of the underground structure. A detailed
discussion of these precautions and of the devices employed by the
F. B. I. in this particular instance have no place in this report. They
would, however, make fascinating reading, and if they can ever be dis-
closed they would provide further prestige to an enormously successful
and magnificent organization that has stood like a tower of strength
between the Communist agents in this country and their persistent and
ever-continuing efforts to subvert us. The F. B. I. is not prone to defend
itself from attack or to sing its own praises, but most assuredly the
unmasking of this nerve-center of the Communist underground was
one of its most distinguished contributions.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 155
When the proper time came the agents descended upon the Twain
Harte cabin and arrested the occupants. These security experts of the
Communist underground were ignominiously taken to San Francisco,
fingerprinted and booked, then, in due course of time, prosecuted in
the United States District Court in San Francisco. They were repre-
sented by Richard Gladstein, together with several of the other Com-
munist lawyers who have been discussed earlier in this report. Since
the defendants preferred not to testify, and steadfastly refused to even
admit their true identities, it became necessary for the United States
Attorney to establish their identity for the benefit of the court and the
jury.
At this stage of the proceedings an elderly man was called to the
witness stand, identified as an F. B. I. fingerprint expert who had been
flown here from Washington, and he proceeded to qualify himself as a
fingerprint and identification specialist of more than 20 years practical
experience. He then introduced a sackful of empty beer cans that were
taken from the Twain Harte cabin at the time the defendants were
placed under arrest, and produced large sheets of transparent plastic
material on which had been superimposed the fingerprints taken from-
the beer cans and enlarged to the size of an average office desk top.
These fingerprints and the enlargements were made under the super-
vision of the expert witness, who then produced the actual fingerprints
of the defendants themselves that were taken at the time they were
booked. These had also been enlarged to the exact and precise dimen-
sions of the latent fingerprints that had been taken from the beer cans.
These actual prints were also on transparent plastic material of the
same dimensions as the latent prints taken from the cans. After having
identified each one of the defendants together with his actual finger-
prints, the sheet containing those prints was placed over a sheet of
latent prints, and every irregularity, every minute loop and whorl cor-
responded perfectly. This procedure was followed with each one of
the defendants whose prints were taken at the time of the booking,
and in each instance the fingerprints taken from the beer cans not only
matched perfectly; but the presentation was so graphic and so unas-
sailable that there could be no possible doubt about the establishment
of identity.
This was, of course, one of the basic elements of the case, and the
trial terminated in the conviction of the principal Communist func-
tionaries, and in addition produced what was probably a far more
important result ; it indicated to the Communist Party and to its Soviet
bosses the efficiency of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and its
ability to penetrate into even the murkiest depths of the American Com-
munist underground despite every precaution to insure against such
discovery and exposure.
We cannot refrain from stating parenthetically that even one of the
present Justices of the United States Supreme Court, while traveling
through the Middle East during this period of the Communist retreat to
156 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
underground positions, found a parallel situation in many of the coun-
tries he was visiting and also discovered that the party organization !
there had been broken up into small units of not more than five people
and usually only three, for purposes of security. This indicates that the
Communist Parties of the world were following the same basic prin-
ciples of security organization in maintaining their underground ap-
paratus, that retreat to such positions was carefully being co-ordinated
and directed by a central agency, and that this agency could only be
the Soviet Union which devised the basic strategy for the maintenance
of underground organizations and expressed those principles in a docu-
ment from which we shall shortly quote. The Supreme Court Justice
who made this trip was Justice William 0. Douglas, and he described
his impressions as follows :
"* * * Today they are mostly underground. They meet se-
cretly ; there are three at a meeting and a meeting lasts perhaps ten
minutes — just long enough to exchange confidences, bolster up
courage, and decide on the party line. ' ' 63
The Communist Party of the United States was, at the time Justice
'Douglas' book was published, ever since has been and still is broken up
into units of not more than five and usually three individuals for
security purposes, and meetings are held at card tables in private
homes, in restaurants and other public places, and only one individual
in each of these triangles knows who to contact in the triangle above
and the triangle below. Since we have discussed this organizational
structure in previous reports, there is no necessity to elaborate further
on it here.
The Vassiliev Document
In 1948 this committee participated in a seminar on counter-subver-
sive activities and techniques at the Presidio of San Francisco. Approxi-
mately 800 people attended the series of lectures for two days, and they
included intelligence personnel from both the Army and the Navy,
representatives of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, members of the
California Peace Officers Association, representatives of various Dis-
trict Attorneys, together with agents of the Office of Special Investiga-
tions, the Civil Service Commission, the Immigration Service, and all
other official agencies that were legitimately interested in counter-
subversive problems. Former members of the Communist Party ad-
dressed the gathering, as did other lecturers, including Senator Burns,
the chairman of this committee, and R. E. Combs, its counsel.
On that occasion both Senator Burns and Mr. Combs quoted from a
document that had long been in the committee's possession, and which,
so far as we know, had not previously been released. It was known as
the Vassiliev Document. Part of it had appeared in the Communist
03 Strange Lands and Friendly People, by William O. Douglas. Harper & Bros., New
York. 1951, p. 3.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 157
press in 1931, and ever since that time it had been used and is still
being used as a basis for underground organization by the Communist
Parties of the world. The author, B. Vassiliev, was an instructor in
these matters at the Lenin School in Moscow, which we have previously-
described as a training center for carefully selected Communists from
the various parties throughout the world who went to the Red academy
and prepared themselves for espionage work for three or four years
during which they listened to lectures by experts such as Vassiliev,
witnessed techniques that were most effective in blowing up steel sup-
ports for high voltage electric transmission lines, tunnels, bridges, rail-
road tracks, and other bourgeois targets. There were also classes in the
effective sabotaging of food stuffs, radio stations, steamships, reservoirs
of domestic water supply, coupled with courses in high-level political
activity designed to accomplish the most effective infiltration of large
masses of people, especially in the backward countries of the world.
We realize that these matters are completely outside the orbit of the
average American's activities. But they have been established by the
unshakeable testimony of individuals who attended these courses and
since defected from the party; the Vassiliev document has been thor-
oughly authenticated and is in the archives of the committee. Frag-
ments of it have been, since 1948, published by various other agencies —
but since there is an active Communist underground in California, and
since it is slavishly following the directions established by the Vassiliev
document, and since the nerve center for the entire Communist under-
ground was located in this state, and because we believe the members
of the California Legislature and people of this state should have an
adequate understanding of the techniques being employed by the Com-
munist agents in our midst, we believe it highly desirable and prac-
tical to reproduce portions of the Vassiliev document herewith.
As was pointed out by Ralph de Toledano, the author of Seeds of
Treason, the definitive work on the Alger Hiss case, and an authority
in the counter-subversive field :
"The underground Party is organized on Bakuninist lines, con-
cretized by one B. Vassiliev in 1931, under the title: Organiza-
tional Problems and Underground Revolutionary Work. This Com-
munist outline runs to five pages. It merits serious study. Vassiliev
directed :
' In proportion as the legal apparatus of the Party is liquidated,
the directing functions will inevitably require a regrouping of
Party forces. This reconstruction of the work will pass more and
more to the illegal apparatus. '
This has been going on, carefully and methodically, since the
inception of the cold war." 64
M This We Pace, by Ralph de Toledano. American Mercury, April, 1959, p. 38-41.
158 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
The pertinent parts of the Vassiliev lecture to students of the gradu-
ating class at the Lenin School in Moscow is as follows :
"In * * * conditions of growing economic crisis and heightened
threat of war against the U.S.S.R. all measures will be taken by
the ruling classes of the capitalist countries to guarantee their rear
before declaring war; that is, everything will be done by them to
weaken, disorganize and, as far as possible, liquidate completely
all revolutionary proletarian organizations, and in the first place
the Communist Parties.
If until recently it was necessary to talk of the campaign of
the ruling classes against the Communist Parties, and of the Parties
having to prepare for transferring to underground work, now all
parties are facing an extermination in the preparation which has
been carried out. In the first place the Communist Parties of the
advanced capitalist countries must now have a concrete plan of
what to do if the country should be declared under martial law
and a beginning made dealing with Communists according to mili-
tary law. At the same time the U.S.S.R. enlarged plenum of the
ECCI, [Executive Committee of the Communist International],
demands from the Communist Parties that they should undertake
such forms and such a pace of Party work as to allow them in spite
of all repression, in spite of mass arrests of leading workers and
rank and file members of the Communist Parties, in spite of the
suppression of the legal Party press, to strengthen to the maximum
degree their mass work, so as to draw the broadest proletarian
masses into the revolutionary struggle. ' ' *
a * * # with regard to the meetings of the Party Committees
it is still essential to have in view the following rule, which is
absolutely binding for illegal Communist Parties. At the meeting
of the Party Committee, or in any case at the plenary meeting at
which representatives of the rank and file Party activists take part,
those members must not be present in whose hands are the con-
nections with Party organizations, addresses, etc., because if the
police arrest such a meeting, then the whole Party Committee will
be arrested, and to reorganize the Party organization after all the
addresses, connections and so on, have been lost, is naturally very
difficult. It is necessary that at least one comrade who keeps the
addresses, connections, etc., should not come to the meetings of
the Party Committee and that at the moment of the meeting of
the Party Committee he should take special measures of precaution
to avoid the arrests, which usually follow on the rounding up of a
Party Committee by the means of those addresses and connections
which the police get hold of in the course of the same.
Compare with the statements contained in the address by Eugene Dennis, quoted
above.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 159
Before big revolutionary demonstrations and mass proletarian
actions, which are being prepared by illegal Communist Parties,
this rule must also apply to all illegal Communist Parties.
What should be the distribution of work within the Party
Committee ? The following are the most important functions. First,
the Secretary of the Party Committee. Not only is it not necessary
for the Secretary of the Committee of a Communist Bolshevik
Party to be the political leader of the committee, but as a rule he
should not be a political leader * * * In the Russian Party the
Secretary of the Committee is at the same time the leader of the
Party Committee. But in the underground party the position was
quite different. Then the Secretary was never the leader of the
Party Committee. He was a comrade who was responsible for con-
nections with the Party organizations above and below ; for con-
versations with comrades who were in need of this or that advice
or information from the Party Committee, and so on.
Why is such a rule essential ? It is important because the Secre-
tary of the Party Committee in illegal and semilegal conditions
is the person on whom, above all, the blow of action will fall. If
that person is the political leader of the Party Committee then
naturally his arrest will affect very harmfully all the work of the
Party Committee. The political leader of the Party Committee
should not perform secretarial work and in general, as a rule,
should not be connected with the technical functions of the Party
apparatus. I think this rule of Bolshevik underground work should
now be transferred completely into the practice of all our Com-
munist Parties.
The responsibility for the publication and the distribution of
illegal literature should be placed upon one member of the Party
Committee. This function should now be absolutely obligatory
for all Communist Parties, including legal Communist Parties, be-
ginning with the Central Committee and ending with the District
Committees. We now have it as a general rule that on the eve of
big revolutionary actions legal Communist literature is forbidden,
confiscated or in the best case censured in such a way that all
the Communism is washed out of it. As, for example, in Czecho-
slovakia. Therefore, if the Party does not have an illegal printing
press for the preparation of a political campaign and does not at
the same time prepare the publication of illegal literature, then at
the most critical moment the Party remains without literature, as
happened, for instance, with the Czechoslovakian Communist Party.
* * * All Communist Parties must without fail have an exten-
sive apparatus for the publication of illegal Party literature : print-
ing plants, various kinds of rotary machines, copying machines,
mimeographs, and simple hectographs in order to publish illegal
literature, newspapers, leaflets, etc. In particular it is absolutely
160 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
essential that the local Party Committees should guarantee the
publication of the factory papers for the factory cells of the big
enterprises, especially in connection with the carrying out of the
campaigns. * * * With regard to illegal literature it is also neces-
sary to have ready arrangements for its distribution. For that it is
essential to have a special apparatus for distribution which must
not, as a rule, coincide with the general apparatus of the Party
Committee. (Committee's italics.) * Special comrades must be
brought into this end, there must be special addresses for the safe-
keeping and conveyance of literature from the printing press to the
district and from the districts and localities to the factories for
distribution among the workers. * * *
One of the members of the committee should undertake the
duty of the organization of proletarian self-defense. This is now
beyond all doubt essential. There is a great deal of talk about
proletarian self-defense, and if all these conversations were
brought together they might annihilate the bourgeois by their
sheer weight; but the practical results are not worth a halfpenny.
There is a certain amount of work on proletarian self-defense in
Germany, the Chinese comrades work well, too, they having quite
different conditions of work, but about the other Parties it is un-
fortunately impossible to say anything good. Resolutions are
passed, but all the same there is no proletarian self-defense. So,
it must become a rule that every Party Committee appoint a special
comrade to take charge of this work. This comrade must, by the
way, definitely arrange a special training for members of the
organization of proletarian self-defense, in order that these organ-
izations may be real self-defense organizations — not the present
meetings of comrades which call themselves self-defense organiza-
tions. The practice of the proletarian self-defense detachments
during recent demonstrations shows that the comrades from the
sections of self-defense do not have the slightest conception of any
kind of self-defense. When the police attacked them they did not
know how to resist. They didn't understand the tactics of street
fighting; didn't even know how to box, and as a result in certain
cases one policeman broke up dozens of sections of proletarian
self-defense, because our comrades waved their arms about aim-
lessly while the policemen were quite confident and used all the
skill of well-framed boxers.
*****
"At present the question of proper arrangement for learning
about the work of our opponent the Social-Fascist, the Fascist,
discovering the plans of police with regard to breaking up demon-
strations, etc., assumes very great importance. Every Party Com-
We have previously referred to the Aesopian language commonly used in party
literature. This language has a peculiar meaning for Communists, and is usually
quite unintelligible and confusing to the layman. In Communist parlance the world
over, the word "special" refers to underground or espionage activity.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 161
mittee should clearly look at this side of every day Party work;
should place on one of its members the special duty of organizing
work in this direction and should systematically check how this
work is being carried out and what are the pressing concrete tasks.
How can Party Committees be elected in illegal Parties?
Naturally, in an illegal Party elections cannot take place as they
do in legal Parties, but nevertheless they are possible. That is to
say, that the forms of electing Party committees in illegal Parties
should be different from those used in legal parties. For example,
the election of Party committees at aggregate meetings, at wide
conferences, cannot in any case be allowed in illegal parties. There
the elections must take place in narrower conferences. The measure
of representation at these conferences in illegal Parties must of
necessity be very compressed. Moreover, the elections themselves in
illegal Parties must come as a rule, take place in such a way that
even the members of the conference do not know who is elected
on the Party Committee. At the present time two methods of elect-
ing leading organs in illegal parties are practiced. The first
method : the Party conference elects a special commission for count-
ing the votes cast for candidates for members of the Party Com-
mittee. Then the candidates are named and the election of the
Party Committee proceeds by secret vote. The commission checks
the result of the voting, while it does not report to the conference
as to the personnel elected. Another method of election : the con-
ference elects a narrow commission in which a representative of
the higher Party Committee takes part, and this narrow com-
mittee elects the new Party Committee. In strictly illegal Parties,
as for example the Italian Communist Party, the latter method of
election is the only one which guarantees more or less strict con-
spiratorial conditions.
The most important element of successful working of the Party
Committee — the one on which during the checking of its work the
most serious attention must be concentrated — is the question of
connections of the Party Committee with the higher and lower
Party organizations, especially with factory cells and the fractions
in the mass non-Party organizations. This question now has a
decisive importance, especially in the legal and semilegal Commu-
nist Parties. The illegal Communist Parties have already worked
out a whole number of measures and methods in order to keep their
communications with the lower organizations and with separate
members of the Party, in spite of the severest police repression.
But with the legal and the semilegal parties there is bad work all
the time along this line.
What are the most important methods of communication that
is essential to foresee? It is essentially important to have a well-
laid-out method of live communication. Live communication is kept
162 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
going by the help of the system of so-called appearing or report-
ing places. What is a reporting point? A reporting point is this:
The Party Committee establishes special addresses or flats or other
places where on certain days at a certain time representatives of
the cells and fractions of the mass organizations must appear.
There, also, representatives of the Party Committees appear. Rep-
resentatives of the cells and fractions make reports on what has
happened in the factory, what the cell has done, what it proposes
to do, and so on, and representatives of the Party Committee,
having received the report, advise the cell how it should act, passes
on to it the directions of the higher Party organ, and so on. This
system of appearing places must without fail be established in all
Parties without exception, legal and illegal (committee's italics),
while the legal Parties a double system of reporting places must
without fail be established — a system of legal and illegal appear-
ing points.
• •••.«
"If the Party has already more or less seriously and funda-
mentally gone over to underground conditions, and the shadowing
of leading active Party members has begun, and the Party mem-
bers are being arrested in the streets, then it is very important
that special signals should be established for the appearing flat,
showing in the first place the safety of the flat; second, showing
that exactly those people have come who were expected, and that
these comrades who have come are talking with exactly those com-
rades whom the observer is coming to see. In order to show that
the reporting places are in working order — for example, a flower,
a flower pot was placed in the window, the comrade came, saw
that the flowers were there, knew that it was safe, and entered.
For verifying those who come to the reporting places, a system
of passwords is established. The comrade comes to the reporting
point and he says some agreed-upon sentence. They answer to that
agreed-upon sentence with another agreed-upon sentence. So both
comrades check each other. In Russian underground conditions
very complicated passwords were sometimes used in the central
appearing places. This was called for by the circumstances that
different workers passed through different reporting places; rank
and file workers from the cells, district and central Party workers.
Accordingly, one password was picked for the rank and file work-
ers, and more complicated ones for the district workers and a still
more complicated one for the central workers. Why was this nec-
essary? It was necessary for conspirative reasons, since only cer-
tain things could be said to the rank and file worker while perhaps
other things could be said to the district worker while you could
speak with full frankness about the whole work of the illegal or-
ganization to the representative of the central committee.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 163
Besides flats for reporting points, connecting link flats are also
needed for communication by letter, and these flats must in no
case coincide. And finally there must be flats for the sheltering of
illegal comrades, comrades whom the police are looking for, com-
rades who have escaped from prison, etc. For all our legal Com-
munist Parties the question of addresses and flats now play the
role of first importance. * * * It is essential for all Parties to
occupy themselves now in the most serious way with the solution
of the 'housing' problem.
It is also necessary to give the most serious attention to the
problem of the organization of letter communication. In checking
the work of the Party Committee it is necessary to consider this
question especially. Does the Party Committee have addresses for
communicating by letter with the higher and lower Party organ-
izations, and how are these communications put into practice?
Now, even for the legal Parties, the firmest rule must be estab-
lished that all correspondence concerning the functioning of the
Party apparatus must without fail go by special routes guaran-
teeing letters from being copied in the post. All kinds of special
circulars, general information reports on the condition of the Party
in legal Parties can go through the ordinary post to legal Party
addresses, but everything concerning the functioning of the Party
Committee, even in legal parties, must without fail go by special
route. In the first place, the use of special courier must be fore-
seen, who will personally carry letters, not trusting these letters
to the state post. Here the Parties must make use of connections
which they have with post and telegraph and railway servants,
connections with all kinds of commercial travelers for traveling
firms, and so on. All these connections must be used in order that
without extra expense responsible Party documents can be trans-
ported. Further, every Party should take care that every letter,
apart from whether it goes through the state post or by courier,
should be written in such a way that in case it falls into the hands
of the police it should not give the police a basis for any kind of
arrest or repression against the Party organization.
This makes the following three requisites. First requisite: the
letter must be in code, i.e., all aspects of illegal work are referred
to by some special phrase or other. For example, the illegal printing
press is called 'auntie;' type is called 'sugar,' and so on. A comrade
writes: 'Auntie asks you without fail to send her 20 pounds of
sugar.' This will mean that the press is in need of 20 pounds of
type. Or a comrade writes: 'We are experiencing great difficulty
in finding a suitable flat for our aunt. ' That means it is a question
of finding a location for the illegal printing press.
Second requisite: besides the code, as above, ciphers are used;
illegal parts of letters being put not only into code but also into
ciphers. There are many different systems of ciphers. The simplest
164 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
and at the same time the most reliable is the system of cipher by the
help of a book. Some book or other is agreed upon beforehand then
the cipher is made in this way: simple fractions or decimals are
ciphers. The first figure of the first fraction shows the page of the
book. Then further comes the actual cipher. For the numerator of
the fraction we must take a line counting from above or below;
for the denominator that counting from either the left or right
which it is necessary to put into the cipher. For example, we need
to put into the cipher the letter 'A.' "We look in the book and see
that this letter is in the third line from the top, the fourth letter
from the left towards the right, then we cipher three over four
(3/4), that is, the third line from the top, fourth letter from left
to right, Also on this method : for example, counting the line not
from above but from below, then the three will not be the third
line from above but the third line from below. You can agree to
count the letter in the line not from left to right but from right
to left. Finally, for greater complexity in order to keep the sense
from the police, you can also add to the fraction some number
or other. Let us say the numerator is increased by three and the
denominator by four. In this case, in order to decipher, it will
be necessary first to subtract in the numerator and denominator of
every fraction. A whole number of similar variations can be worked
out to complicate the ciphers. The advantage of such a cipher is
that it is not only very simple but also each letter can be designated
by a great number of different signs and in such a way that the
cipher designation of letters are not repeated. The book cipher
can be used without a book. In place of a book, some poem or other
can be chosen, learned by heart and the deciphering done according
to it. When it is necessary to cipher or decipher, the poem must
be written out in verses and then the ciphering or deciphering
done and the poem destroyed.
The third requisite which is also recommended should be used
in correspondence, is writing with chemical inks — that is, with
such inks that are impossible to read without special adaptation.
If a secret Party letter falls into the hands of the police written
in invisible ink, the open text of such letters must be made to
appear perfectly blameless, for example, a son is writing to his
mother that he is alive and well and of the good things he wishes
her. Not a word about revolution. The police must guess first of
all that under this apparently innocent text there is a hidden text.
Having discovered this secret, the police tumble against a cipher.
If they succeed in deciphering the cipher, they stumble up against
a code and they still have to decipher that code. But all this takes
time in the course of which the police can do nothing. If the police
succeed in reading it in the course of two or three weeks, then by
that time the Party organization has been able to cover up all
the consequences of the subject which was written about in the
letter.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 165
What kind of invisible ink should be used? Invisible inks exist
in very great number. They can be bought in any chemists shop.
Finally, comrades must use the latest inventions in chemistry in
this direction. The simplest invisible ink which can be recommended
and which can be found everywhere, is, for example, onion juice
and pure water.
If we consider legal parties which are being driven under-
ground, the question can be put in this way : the Party should
fight to the very last to retain all existing forms of the legal
working class movement ; for the legal existence of the Communist
Party ; for legal Communist literature ; for legal trade unions ; for
other legal unions of mass organization. In the process of this
struggle the Communist Parties of these countries, however great
the democratic freedom is at the given moment, however easy at
any given moment it may be for them to get permission to publish
legal Communist papers, or organize demonstrations, etc., must at
the same time construct and strengthen their illegal apparatus
from top to bottom. All legal parties are now under the greatest
responsibility in respect to the creation and strengthening of an
legal party apparatus. All of them must immediately undertake
measures to have within the legally-existing Party Committees
an illegal directing corps. The illegal part of the Party apparatus
must be separated from the legal apparatus of the Party Commit-
tee, and a part of the members of the Party Committee must al-
ready now be made illegal. Such comrades as Comrade Thaleman
[German Communist functionary] cannot go underground. It
would be completely stupid for him to be underground at the
present moment. Comrade Thaleman and other prominent leaders
of the Communist Party must have the possibility of quickly pass-
ing underground at the necessary moment ; must have the neces-
sary living accomodations for this ; must have facilities for quickly
changing their names, and all other means of swiftly avoiding the
pursuits of the police, so that the police should look for them in
quite a different direction to the one in which they have gone.
Besides leaders like Comrade Thaleman who are well known
to the whole working class, there are a number of leaders in all
Communist Parties who are less well-known or completely un-
known to the broad mass of the working class and in wide police
circles, but who are well tried in practical Party work. It is very
important to bring to leading work those who are unknown to the
wide masses and to the police, but who have been tried in the pro-
cess of every day Party work as good organizers, good conspirators,
and completely devoted to the cause of Communism.
Cells of illegal directing organs must be created from among
these activists and along with the increasing repression those sec-
tions of the Party apparatus which are most susceptible to repres-
sion should be handed over to their charge, as well as the more
important Party documents, etc. At the same time the legal exist-
166 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
ence of the Party Committee and the legal use of the names of
members of the Central Committee and other Party units who
can still legally speak in the name of the Party Committee, etc.,
must be preserved until the last. If this work is properly arranged,
then the police on arriving and securing members of the Central
Committee, district and other Party committees who are known
to it, and seizing the premises of the Party Committee, will seize
only the premises in which there are no Party documents and only
those comrades who do not longer hold in their hands the most
important threats of the Party apparatus. The Party apparatus
carried underground in such cases, at once begins to function,
guaranteeing uninterrupted direction of Party work * * *
Most important and fundamental legal or semi-legal cover for
an illegal Communist Party is the trade union. Therefore, illegal
Communist Parties must give the utmost serious attention to the
trade unions, and must fight with all their strength and by all
means possible for their open existence. Practice has shown that,
for example, in Rumania and even in Yugoslavia, with its violent
Fascist terror, the open existence of Red trade unions under a
strong Communist influence is possible.
* * * The most important question of all Party work is the
question of the active core of the Party. Putting every Party mem-
ber, every Party worker, in his most suitable place — that is the
kernel of the question, as Lenin liked to put it; and the Party
organizer in order to hit the nail on the head must learn to put
every Party member in his right place, while remembering that
Party members cannot be shuffled around like pawns or children's
bricks, which can be placed in any direction. One Party member
is suitable for the organization of an illegal printing press — he
must be used for this, but he may not be suitable as a propagandist,
and if he is sent to carry on propaganda this will prove of such a
kind that two other propagandists will have to be sent to put his
work right. Another comrade, a fine propagandist and educator,
who knows how to explain in the most popular way the most
difficult political problem, or the most complicated political slogan,
is a bad conspirator if he is on conspirative work and will bring
harm to the Party. Therefore, the Party organizer must in the
most careful way study the human material with which he has to
deal, in order to know for what concrete task that human material
can best be made use of * * * We must be very bold in making
use of the creative experience of the revolutionary proletarian
masses; this experience has been and will always be the most de-
cisive in the work of the Communist Parties and the whole of the
Communist International." (Committee's italics.)
The last sentence quoted above, which we have italicized for em-
phasis, points up the slavish devotion by all foreign Communist Parties
to the Soviet prototype. The names of the party officials and the duties
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 167
imposed on each, the physical organization of the party and its fronts,
the security measures of the underground apparatus, even the peculiar
Aesopian language employed in communicating between party mem-
bers— all of these are patterned on the Soviet model. And so inflexible
and absolute is Communist Party discipline, that orders issued from
above must be carried out without the slightest hesitation or question,
and this is particularly true when the orders come from a Soviet Com-
munist rather than down through the chain of command that exists
in a foreign Communist organization.
In a previous report we have explained how a school for under-
ground organization and activity was maintained in Alameda County
at Orinda, and we quoted from the experiences of students who, while
devout Communists, attended these classes. They were instructed how
to carry on illegal communications, and how to make and operate an
illegal printing apparatus from materials found in most kitchens. The
use of meeting places and appearing points, the exchange of passwords,
the arrangements of flowers as a signal to visitors that they could
safely enter may all seem somewhat cloak-and-daggerish to the average
reader of this report. We assure you in all sincerity that this is not
the case. We have interviewed dozens of former Communist Party
members who have actually participated in this sort of activity, and
if our readers wish to pursue the matter any further and completely
corroborate the fact that the underground in California is today
slavishly following the instructions laid down by such experts as B.
Vassiliev, we refer them to the books that are cited in the footnote.*
There are many other books, all reliable, dealing with experiences of
the authors in the Communist underground in the United States. The
cumulative effect of these treatises completely corroborates the fact that
the Vassiliev document is being followed by the Communist Party
underground in the United States at the present time.
Attention may also be directed to an address made by Dr. J. B.
Matthews on the occasion of the thirty-second annual meeting of the
American Legion, Department of Connecticut, Hartford, Connecticut,
on August 19, 1950. The title of Dr. Matthews' address was, "The
Communist Underground," and he made specific reference to the Vas-
siliev lecture. Dr. Matthews said: "There is no doubt about the com-
plete authenticity of this document. The details of the order amounted
to a blueprint of the Communist undergrounds in all countries outside
the Soviet Union, the United States of America included. The order
embodying these details is a veritable primer for Americans who want
to understand the true nature of the Communist Party. ' ' As Matthews
points out, the Communist Party of the United States has quit issuing
membership books or cards and has entrusted knowledge as to the
membership of the party to individuals who are not only highly trusted
but who pass the information on cards from one place to another
• (My Ten Years as a Counter-Spy, bv Boris Morros ; Witness, by Whittaker Cham-
bers ; This Masquerade, by Angela Colamiris ; Out of Bondage, by Elizabeth Bent-
ley ; Empire of Fear, by Vladimir and Evdokia Petrov.)
168 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
for security reasons, and the offices in Los Angeles and San Francisco
are completely devoid of party records and documents of any kind.
This is in strict accordance with the directions issued by Vassiliev.
Complete files of Communist Party membership in the United States
have been taken out of the country and kept, at one time or another,
in both Mexico and Cuba. Vassiliev 's order that places be prepared for
the housing of illegal printing plants is reflected in the school estab
lished at Orinda where precise instructions in the greatest detail for
the maintenance and operation of undercover printing facilities were
taught and discussed. The lecture also pointed out the necessity for
reserve leadership of the party, and we saw that leadership take over
when Smith Act prosecutions placed the regular party officials behind
bars.
Vassiliev also urged that the party remain above ground and legal
until the last possible minute — and this is reflected by the defiant state-
ments of the party's General Secretary, Eugene Dennis, which we
quoted earlier in this section of the report. The material in the Vas-
siliev lecture concerning letter drops, meeting places, passwords, and
clandestine communications, is all amply verified by an examination of
the reading sources that we have already mentioned. Any readers who
may wish to pursue the subject further will be provided with a re-
liable list of supplementary sources if they will make the request in
writing to this committee in care of Senator Burns.
The reader will recall that toward the end of the Vassiliev document
there is an injunction to the leaders of the underground to mobilize the
services of the ''less well-known or completely unknown" Communist
activists "who are well tried in practical Party work * * * unknown
to the wide masses and to the police, but who have been tried in the
process of everyday work as good organizers, good conspirators, and
completely to the cause of Communism. ' ' This is the type of hard-core,
highly indoctrinated party member who has survived the downgrading
of Stalin, the revolts in Hungary and Poland, and who is unshaken in
his determination to further the cause of world revolution at all costs.
Throughout the United States and in California the party has mobilized
its relatively unknown membership. It is making use of the lethal fall-
out of party members we referred to earlier ; it is alerting its ' ■ sleeper
apparatus" composed of individuals who have been secret party mem-
bers for many years but who have never paid dues, never attended a
meeting, never associated with Communists, but who have wormed
their ways into positions of trust and confidence and influence and are
now secretly working in behalf of the Communists' objectives. Then,
too, there are the captives who once made the mistake of affiliating with
the Communist Party, dropped out, climbed to positions of power,
prestige and high position over the intervening years, and are now
subject to blackmail by their old party contacts who threaten to ex-
pose them and ruin them unless they agree to perform little favors
upon request.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 169
The fight against Communism in this state is far more challenging,
far more difficult and far more necessary than ever. The party is now
beginning to pick up additional membership. The deviationists are be-
ing forced out of the organization, new leadership is being prepared,
new funds are becoming available, and meanwhile the party is still
concentrating on the penetration of trade union organizations and edu-
cational institutions. It is implementing the Khrushchev directive to
create a second and wide United Front by sending its members into
mass liberal organizations and seeking to warp them to the Communist
way of thinking.
We must constantly bear in mind that we are charged with the duty
of protecting the innocent liberal against unjust accusations of subver-
sive activity and affiliation, we must observe the rules of the game,
scrupulously protect the civil rights of all who appear before the com-
mittee and at the same time endeavor to report to the legislature and
to the people concerning the true nature of subversive activities and
propaganda within our borders. On the other hand, the Communist
Party is bound by no rules of morality, law, decency, or ethics. To the
Communist the end justifies the means in all cases, he is disciplined to
instantly carry out his assignments, as a witness he is recalcitrant,
stubborn, abusive, and does little more than repeatedly invoke the pro-
tection of the Fifth Amendment. The challenge is a great one indeed.
It is so great that every educator, every trade union official, should take
the time to thoroughly inform himself about Communist tactics, and
then join the ranks in a broad co-operative effort to stem the infiltrators.
President Eisenhower recently visited the hospital to see Secretary of
State John Foster Dulles, who was then recuperating from X-ray treat-
ment for cancer. By the side of Mr. Dulles' bed was a copy of the book
by Harry and Bonaro Overstreet, entitled What We Must Know
About Communism, W. W. Norton & Co., New York, 1958. The Secre-
tary of State recommended that the President read this volume, and it
is now being serialized in the Los Angeles Times and other newspapers
of wide circulation. While certainly not the best book that has been
written about Communism, it is a popular one, and contains much
excellent material. Mr. Overstreet and his wife are capable writers, and
he learned something about Communist front organizations at first
hand, having been lured into a number of them from time to time. Mr.
Overstreet is an example of a non-Communist liberal who was attracted
to a few of these front organizations, found out what they were all
about, and had the courage to do something about the problem instead
of shrinking away from the experience and remaining silent. Many
people who have had similar experiences — in fact the overwhelming
majority of them — are content to remain silent, when by speaking
boldly they could strike an effective blow against the menace that
170 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
attracted them to its periphery. Writing about the Communist under-
ground, the Overstreet book had this to say :
"It is in the theory of the state once more, that we find the
rationale of one of Lenin's basic edicts: namely, that Communists
in non-Communist countries must maintain both a legal and illegal
apparatus. They must be able to work in the open — through a legal
Party, where this is allowed and through as many fronts as possible
- — in order to give 'vanguard' leadership to the masses and to
politicalize their struggles. But also they must be able to work in
the underground, carrying on activities that are patently outside
the law of the land but are called for by the long-range purpose
and 'monolithic unity' of the world Communist movement. Such
double organization, Lenin specified, is necessary in any 'bour-
geoise' country — which is to say, any 'enemy' country — just as it
was necessary for the Bolsheviks in Tsarist Russia.
The C. P. U. S. A. has always — or, at least, since it first affili-
ated with the Comintern — maintained the requisite double ap-
paratus. Between 1920 and 1935, it scarcely bothered to conceal its
double character ; or, during those years, it was always seeing the
revolution just ahead. Thus, we have only to turn to early issues
of The Communist — forerunner of Political Affairs — to read the
record of legal and illegal organization. The October, 1921, issue,
for example, states without equivocation, 'The center of gravity of
our activities is not fixed. It is constantly shifting; sometimes in
the direction of the legal organization, sometimes in the direction
of the underground organization. This center of gravity is at all
times determined by the ever-changing realities of the actual class
struggle. '
An equally frank statement appears in the July, 1922 issue:
'A truly revolutionary (i.e. Communist) party can never be
"legal" in the sense of having its purpose harmonize with the
purpose of the laws made by the capitalist state. * * * Hence, to
call a Communist Party "legal" means that its existence is toler-
ated by the capitalist state.' The article then goes on to say that
since the 'legal' political party thus exists by 'enemy' tolerance,
the revolutionary cause can never be entrusted to it alone.
As late as 1934, the manifesto of the eighth convention of the
C. P. U. S. A. said that, in view of the ' growing danger of illegal-
ity,' the Party must tighten its discipline, combat spies, and 'in-
sure the secret functioning of the factory nuclei.' "
* # # * •
' ' The United States is by no means alone in having to cope with
the problems attendant upon the legal-illegal operations of the
Party. Every non-Communist country in the world faces this same
problem — and deals with them as it thinks best. But no country
has solved them. ' ' 65
65 What We Must Know About Communism, op. cit, pp. 23-35.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 171
Infiltration of Federal Government
Several years ago the committee issued a report in which we earnestly
endeavored to describe the international Communist movement, tracing
the history of the Russian revolution, the foundation of the Comintern,
the establishment of the Communist Parties of the world, history of the
Communist Party of the United States, and a history of its activities
in California. "We did this because we wished to indicate that the move-
ment is international by its very nature, and that a resident of Michi-
gan who was active in Communist activities there on Monday can well
be active in California two days later. This elastic, international, ever-
shifting and changing aspect of Communism cannot be viewed by
focusing a microscope on the activities in California alone. The Com-
munist Party of this state, both above and underground, acts according
to the dictates of the Soviet Union. It has always been thus and it
ever will be. The party line is carefully timed and correlated like
a finely syncronized mechanism, and operates on a global scale. To act
provincial about a problem of Communism is to demonstrate a hope-
less lack of knowledge concerning its true nature and an equally hope-
less ineptitude in analyzing its activities in California with any degree
of accuracy. Nevertheless, we were lambasted soundly by some of the
more ' ' progressive ' ' members of the press for straying so far afield.
It will be interesting if we receive the same sort of critical treatment
from the same sources because we undertake in this report to mention
a document like the Vassiliev lecture, to link the second United Front
with the Khrushchev speech of February, 1956, and trace the develop-
ment of the international Communist front organization to Willi Muen-
zenburg.
The Communist underground in California today is extremely active
and it could not possibly be understood unless one is not only familiar
with the establishment of the underground headquarters near Twain
Harte, but also with the international nature of the Communist move-
ment, and with a document as vital as the Vassiliev lecture. It is the
underground organization, for example, that would handle political
infiltration and endeavor to control elected officials by placing under-
cover Communist secretaries in their offices to read their mail, make
their appointments and arrange their engagements and speaking dates.
It is the underground organization that would contact the unknown
party members or "sleepers" in lofty positions and urge them to use
their prestige and influence for the benefit of the party. It is the under-
ground apparatus that gives a nudge here, a shove there, applies a deft
touch of propaganda at the precise moment when it will be of the
greatest effect, that flatters liberals into conformity with the party
line, and manipulates the naive do-gooders into positions of unwittingly
performing the party's work.
In many situations, indeed, the underground organization of the
Communist Party of the United States and its espionage operations are
virtually identical. To those of us who may have become complacent,
172 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
weary of hearing about Communism so frequently, and who have be-
come apathetic and little concerned with this problem, we direct atten-
tion to a thoroughly reliable and accurate partial list of employees in
high places who were either members of the Communist Party, espio-
nage agents, who invoked the Fifth Amendment when questioned under
oath about their Communist activities and affiliations, or were proven
to have collaborated with the Communist Party or the Soviet agents in
the United States. It will be noted that many of them moved from one
important government agency to another through years of infiltrating
activity. The staggering damage they did to the security of the United
States will probably never be known, but it was obviously tremendous.
The partial list is as follows :
State Department
Alger Hiss, head of the Department of Henry Collins, Jr.
Political Affairs. Leo Drozdoff
John Carter Vincent, head of the Far Harold Glasser
Eastern Division. Irving Goldman
Robert T. Miller, Assistant head, Divi- Stanley Graze
sion of Research and Publication. Julian Friedman
Maurice Halperin, head of the Latin- Mary J. Keeney
American Division. Carl Aldo Marzani
Laurence Duggan, head of the Latin-
American Division.
DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY
Harry Dexter White, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Harold Glasser, Director of the Division of Monetary Research and Chief Financial
Advisor to the Economic Board following the invasion of North Africa, and
Treasury representative to UNRRA.
Frank Coe, Director of the Division of Monetary Research.
Abraham George Silverman, Chief Economist, French Purchasing Mission.
Soloman Adler, Official Treasury Representative to China.
Bela Gold, Division of Monetary Research.
Irving Kaplan, Division of Monetary Research.
Victor Perlo, Division of Monetary Research.
William Ludwig Ullman, Division of Monetary Research.
Edward Fitzgerald
Stanley Graze
William Taylor
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE
John Abt, Special Assistant to the Attorney General.
Alger Hiss, Special Assistant to the Attorney General.
Irving Kaplan, Special Assistant to the Attorney General.
Norman Bursler
Donald Hiss
Judith Coplon
DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE
John Abt Charles Kramer
Julia Older Blazer Victor Perlo
Henry Collins, Jr. Margaret Bennet Porter
Harold Glasser Lee Pressman
Bela Gold Julian Wadleigh
Alger Hiss Nathan Witt
RESETTLEMENT ADMINISTRATION
William Ludwig Ullman Nathan Gregory Silvermaster
Lee Pressman
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
173
WORKS PROGRESS ADMINISTRATION
John Abt Lee Pressman
Harold Glasser
NATIONAL RESEARCH PROJECT
Irving Kaplan, Associate Director Harry Magdoff
Edward J. Fitzgerald Harry Ober
Charles Flato Herbert Schiemmel
Jacob Grauman Alfred Van Tassel
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
Nathan Witt, Secretary
Edwin Smith
Henry Collins, Jr.
Edward Fitzgerald
Edward Fitzgerald
Harry Magdoff
Joel Gordon
Charles Kramer
Henry Collins, Jr.
Charles Kramer
Allan Rosenberg
DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
Donald Hiss
FEDERAL WORKS AGENCY
Irving Kaplan
FEDERAL SECURITY AGENCY
Edward Fitzgerald
FEDERAL ECONOMIC ADMINISTRATION
Edward Fitzgerald
EMERGENCY DEFENSE AGENCY
Victor Perlo
DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE
Victor Perlo
William Remington
SECURITIES EXCHANGE COMMISSION
John Abt
SOCIAL SECURITY BOARD
Irving Kaplan
TENNESSEE VALLEY AUTHORITY
William Remington
NATIONAL YOUTH ADMINISTRATION
Leon Elveson
NATIONAL RECOVERY ADMINISTRATION
Victor Perlo
HOME OWNERS LOAN CORPORATION
Victor Perlo
BOARD OF ECONOMIC ADMINISTRATION AND
FOREIGN ECONOMIC ADMINISTRATION
Frank Coe, Assistant to the Executive Director of the Board of Economic
Administration.
Laughlin Currie, Deputy Administrator of the Foreign Economic Administration.
(Later an administrative assistant to the President of the United States.)
Bela Gold Philip Keeney
Michael Greenberg Nathan Gregory Silvermaster
Irving Kaplan Allan Rosenberg
Mary J. Keeney Julian AVadleigh
FEDERAL EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION
David Weintraub, Assistant to Harry Hopkins, the Director.
174
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Benjamin Wermiel
CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION
Irving Schiller
NATIONAL ARCHIVES
Irving Schiller
OFFICE OF EDUCATION
Alice Prentiss Barrows
CO-ORDINATOR OF INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS
Robert T. Miller, Head of Political Research.
Joseph Gregg William Park
Irving Goldman Bernard Redmont
CO-ORDINATOR OF INFORMATION
Julia Older Blazer
UNITED STATES RAILROAD RETIREMENT BOARD
George Silverman
WHITE HOUSE
Laughlin Currie, Administrative Assistant to President Roosevelt.
Joseph Barnes
Julia Blazer
OFFICE OF WAR INFORMATION
Adam Tarn
OFFICES OF STRATEGIC SERVICES
Lt. Col. Duncan Chaplin Lee, Legal Ad-
visor to the Commander of the O.S.S.,
Major Gen. William J. Donovan.
Maurice Halperin, Head of the Latin-
American Division. Jack Sargeant
Harris, Head of Military Intelligence
for South America.
Carl Aldo Marzani, Deputy Chief of the
Presentation Division. Leonard Mins,
assigned to the collection and analysis
of information on Soviet Russia.
George Vuchinich, (also spelled Vuci-
nich) formerly with the Abraham
Lincoln Brigade and who worked
with Tito during World War II.
John K. Fairbank, China Division.
Helen Tenney, Spanish Division.
J. Julius Joseph, Japanese Division.
Milton Wolff, former Commanding Of-
ficer of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.
Leo Drozdoff
Irving Fajans
Irving Goldman
Paul Martineau
Philip Keeney
Donald Niven Wheeler
David Zablodowsky
Helen Kagen
Charles Kramer
Victor Perlo
Jacob Grauman
Irving Kaplan
Edward Fitzgerald
Harold Glasser
Stanley Graze
Jacob Grauman
Irving Kaplan
OFFICE OF PRICE ADMINISTRATION
William Remington
Doxie Wilkerson
OFFICE OF WAR MOBILIZATION
Harry Magdoff
WAR PRODUCTION BOARD
Harry Magdoff
Victor Perlo
William Remington
Alfred Van Tassel
David Weintraub
OFFICE OF SURPLUS PROPERTY
Nathan Gregory Silvermaster
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 175
CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIVE COMMITTEES
Senate Committee to Investigate Munitions Industry
Alger Hiss Charles Kramer
John Abt Allan Rosenberg
Charles Flato
Subcommittee on Civil Liberties of the Senate
Committee on Education and Labor
Harry Collins, Jr. Sonya Gold
Charles Flato Herbert Schimmel
Select Committee on Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens
Frederick Palmer Weber Harry Magdoff
Henry Collins, Jr. Alfred Van Tassel
Special Committee to Study Problems of American Small Business
Henry Collins, Jr. Charles Kramer
Subcommittee on Technological Mobilization of the
Senate Military Affairs Committee
Frederick Palmer Weber Charles Kramer
Senate Subcommittee on Wartime Health and Education of the
Senate Committee on Education and Labor
Frederick Palmer Weber
UNITED STATES NAVY
Naval Bureau of Ordnance
Max Eltcher and Morton Sobell, together with eight to ten other members, dis-
closed during the Rosenberg Atomic Bomb espionage case.
Record Management Section of the Navy
Irving Schiller
Office of Naval Intelligence
Emmanuel Larsen Andrew Roth
UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS
Brig. Gen. Evans F. Carlson
UNITED STATES ARMY
(SCAP) Military Government in Japan
Philip Keeney T. A. Bisson
Andrew Grajdanzev
OMGUS (Military Government in Postwar Germany)
Major Henry Collins, Jr.
Air Corps
George Silverman, Economic Advisor William Ludwig Ullman, Materiel &
and Chief of Analysis and Plans, Ma- Service Section, Pentagon Washing-
teriel and Service, Pentagon, Wash- ton, D. C.
ington, D. C.
Signal Corps
Sidney Glassman, Signal Corps In- Julius Rosenberg, Signal Corps In-
spector spector
Aberdeen Proving Grounds
Herman Landeau Vincent Reno
MILITARY INTELLIGENCE
Psychological Warfare Division
Peter Rhodes
176 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Troop Information and Education
Sgt. Luke Wilson Karl Fenichel, who also testified that
Lt. Col. Julius Sehreiber, Psychiatrist. he dropped out of the Party when he
Lt. S. M. Fischer, former reporter on joined the Army.*
the San Francisco Chronicle who ad- Simon W Gerson, Legislative Director
mitted he was a Communist Party of the Communist Party of New
member while a student at Columbia York.
University in 1940, and thereafter Sgt. William Gandall, former member
until he entered the Army in 1941, of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade,
when he testified he dropped out of trained by Soviet Military Officials,
active Communist Party work.
UNITED NATIONS
The following employees of the United Nations have invoked the
Fifth Amendment against self-incrimination when questioned under
oath about their Communist affiliations and activities:
Alfred Abel Jerome A. Oberwager
Frank Carter Bancroft Jane M. Reed
Julia Older Blazer Irving T. Schiller
Frank Coe Herbert Schimmel
Ruth E. Crawford Alexander H. Svenchansky
Leo M. Drozdoff Alfred Van Tassel
Dorothy Hope Tisdale Eldridge Eugene Wallach
Leon Elveson Benjamine P. Wermiel
Eda Glaser Herman Zap
Sidney Glassman Marjorie Zap
Joel Gordon Jacob Grauman
Stanley Graze Sonia Gruen
Jack Sargeant Harris Helen Kagen
Harry Ober
Note : When this list of United Nations employees was brought to the attention of
former Secretary General of the United Nations, Trygve Lie, they were shortly
discharged.
We wish to emphasize that this list is partial and contains only some of the
names of individuals who were engaged in pro-Communist activities, invoked
the Fifth Amendment when asked about their subversive affiliations, were identi-
fied as Communist Party members, or as collaborators with Soviet agents or
American Communists. The list was compiled as part of a valuable work by
Ronald W. Hunter, a recognized expert in the counter-subversive field who has
had practical exeprience as a government agent, and whose work is entitled,
Russian Conspiracy in the United States, a History of Domestic Communism.
The work is thoroughly documented, and the listings are corroborated by official
documents which are in the public realm. None of the material in Mr. Hunter's
work is classified and the commercial reproduction of any of its contents is pro-
tected by common law copyright.
For those who wish to pursue the study of underground operations
of the Communist Party in more detail, we refer them to our report
on the International Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists and
Technicians, Berkeley Chapter, that acted as a cover for scientific
espionage in connection with atomic bomb research during the early
forties, and to the testimony of the late Paul Crouch, who headed the
special section of the Communist Party in Berkeley and Oakland, the
membership of which was comprised of research scientists and nuclear
physicists. We trust that this exposition will convince the reader that
* Evidence produced before a wide variety of official investigative agencies has estab-
lished that the uniform Communist Party practice was to automatically expel
all persons when they joined the Armed Forces and to automatically reinstate
them when they were discharged and returned to private life. The individuals
mentioned under this section all testified that they followed this procedure, but
refused to do anything but invoke the Fifth Amendment when questioned the
period of their active Communist Party activity. They were, to all intents and
purposes, assigned to underground activity during the period of their service in
the Armed Forces.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 177
there is much more to the Communist menace than a lot of imbalanced
individuals who plod along the picket lines and dabble in Marxism.
In June, 1947, J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, summarized the distinction between Communist mem-
bers of the open or above-ground organization and members of the
underground and described fellow travelers and the amoral character
of the party in general in an article which originally appeared in News-
week on June 9, 1947, and was reproduced in Case and Comment, the
lawyers' magazine, November-December, 1947, page 21. He said:
"Our surest weapon is truth. The Communists cannot endure
the searching gaze of public observation. Their most effective work
is carried on under a cloak of secrecy. Lies and deceit are their
principal tools. No trick is too low for them. They are masters of
the type of evasion advocated by that great God of Communism,
Lenin, who observed: 'Kevolutionaries who are unable to combine
illegal forms of struggle with every form of legal struggle are very
bad revolutionaries.'
* * * The known, card-carrying * Communists are not our
sole menace. The individual whose name does not appear on party
rolls but who does the party's dirty work, who acts as an apologist
for the party and who rises in its defense and spearheads its cam-
paign in the numerous fronts, is a greater menace. These are the
'Communist sympathizers,' 'fellow traveler,' and 'Communist
stooges.' To prove their evil intent is at times difficult but they
brand themselves by shifting and turning as the party line changes
to meet new situations. Whether they be innocent, gullible, or
willful, makes little difference, because they further the cause of
communism and weaken our American democracy.
The Communists are now carrying on a vigorous campaign to
bring their total membership in the United States up to 100,000.
This figure, however, does not reveal their actual strength. Con-
servatively, there are an estimated 1,000,000 others who in one
way or another aid the Communist Party.
* * * We cannot hope successfully to meet the Communist
menace unless there is a wide knowledge and understanding of
its aims and designs.
* * * If there were to be a slogan in the fight against Com-
munism it should convey this thought : Uncover, expose and spot-
light their activities. Once this is done, the American people will
do the rest — quarantine them from effectively weakening our
Country." t
*The Communist Party ceased issuing membership books or cards in December, 1947.
t Mr. Hoover amplified these matters and brought a description of Communism in
the United States down to date in his recently published book, Masters of Deceit:
The Story of Communism in America and How to Fight It, by J. Edgar Hoover.
Henry Holt & Co.. New York, 1958.
178 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
CURRENT COMMUNIST TECHNIQUES
The present activities of the Communist Party in California, the
current party line, the character of the physical organization of the
party apparatus may all be attributed to the events that occurred in
1956. The years 1939 and 1941 were also critical in the world Com-
munist movement, because they produced not only profound changes
in the international Communist Party line but a complete reversal of
Communist thinking almost overnight. Prior to August, 1939, the Com-
munists had been taught to hate Hitler and everything he represented.
For years they had espoused the cause of racial minority groups the
world over — hypocritically, but nevertheless vociferously. They had
deplored Fascism, and Hitler not only provided much grist for the
Communist propaganda machinery by his repression of the Jewish
minority in that country, but his ruthless and brutal reign through
the instrumentality of the Gestapo and his role as an arch Fascist
and threat to world peace and security had been used in Communist
propaganda publications ever since he was released from Lanclsberg
prison. Then, in August, 1939, and without previous warning, Hitler
and Stalin signed a non-aggression pact. The stunned Communist
Parties throughout the world dutifully changed their propaganda line,
but their confidence was undeniably shaken. From the time the non-
aggression pact became effective until it was violated on June 22, 1941,
the line was at least a toleration of the Hitler regime. Then, after June
22, 1941, the international line was to hate Hitler again but with far
greater venom than ever before because he had now attacked the father-
land of the world Communist movement. In 1956, the Kremlin again
paralyzed the thinking and the propaganda viewpoint of the Com-
munist Parties of the world when Khrushchev made his "secret"
speech in February, 1956, and ripped to shreds the reputation of the
dead Stalin.
"We have previously described Stalin and the role he played in the
Communist revolution of 1917, his rise to power, and the method by
which he managed to get himself deified throughout the country that
he ruled with all of the tyrannical attributes of Peter the Great.
Statues and pictures of Stalin appeared in all public places ; the history
books were filled with outrageous distortions for the purpose of sub-
limating him as the brains of the revolution, the leader of the Red
Army, the originator of all diplomatic strategy, the architect of the
world Communist movement, the omniscient leader — in short, super-
human attributes were ascribed to this man who launched the most
horrible blood purges from 1935 to 1939 that the world had ever seen,
and whose obsessive vanity and lust for absolute power turned him
into the warped and tyrannical figure that American anti- Communists
had proclaimed him to be almost from the time he came to power by
undermining all his real or fancied opponents and climbing over their
dead bodies until he became the absolute master of the Russian Com-
munist Party, the head of its secret police, and therefore the master of
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 179
the Soviet Union and of world Communism. Thousands of deluded
fellow travelers who persistently clung to the front organizations that
nourished during the period of the first United Front, and, indeed,
thereafter until a few years ago, angrily retorted that all of these
attacks on the Soviet leader were capitalist propaganda, the product
of misinformation and downright lies. So accustomed had the Com-
munist propaganda machinery in this country become to extolling the
virtues of Stalin and lambasting his critics that it became almost
automatic for all Communists and their supporters to praise everything
Stalin did, and to brand every critical remark against him as an
outrageous falsehood.
This, then, was the situation that had existed for a period of almost
30 years when, with the Khrushchev speech of February, 1956, came
another shattering blow that stunned the Communists of all countries,
but particularly in the United States, France and Italy. Khrushchev
proclaimed that Stalin had been a megalomaniac butcher, a figure
who scorned the protection of civil liberties, gloried in unleashing
naked terror, and that he was, in short, all of the unpleasant things
the anti- Communist critics had said he was during all of these years.
The effect of this speech was to brand as utterly unreliable all of
the Communist propagandists and fellow travelers throughout the
world, to highlight their complete hypocrisy, to completely clinch the
assertion that in Communism the end justifies the means, and — this
was perhaps most astonishing of all — it necessarily included a tacit
admission that in his acts of butchery and insensate brutality, Stalin
had been aided and abetted by the members of the Communist Polit-
buro who now attacked him, including Khrushchev, the butcher of the
Ukraine, Mikoyan, the apostle of terror, and every other Soviet leader
who participated in these activities over so long a period.
Khrushchev, at the same time, declared that the time had come to
ease the tensions for which Stalin had been responsible. "Writers should
be permitted to publish their real beliefs; criticism against the Soviet
regime should be encouraged; in foreign countries the Communist
Parties should be allowed to proceed toward their respective goals in
conformity with the peculiar situations of their several environments,
instead of slavishly following the dogmatism of an inflexible set of
rules that had hampered the individual development of these parties
instead of having encouraged it. Obviously, these relaxations of the
old repressions were made because the new leaders in the Kremlin
sensed that the death of Stalin had symbolized a firming up of the
smoldering resentment of the Russian masses against regimentation,
discipline, brutality, and terrorism that they had been compelled to
endure since the Communists came to power. The old methods of the
Soviet Secret Police would no longer work, rumblings of counter-
revolution had been heard among the intelligentsia of the country
and had seeped down into the working masses. Some of the Kremlin
leaders were old Bolsheviks who had gone through the revolution of
180 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
1917, and they remembered how the oppressive measures of the Tsar
had been endured for many years, until finally a spark of revolution
was started, quickly gathered strength and electrified the entire
country until almost as one man the people rose and toppled over the
decaying regime.
Counter-revolution has always been the one thing that the Kremlin
leaders fear above all others, hence the maintenance of the Soviet
Secret Police as an instrument of terror to be used by the Communist
minority to subjugate the masses of the people, hence the one-party
control of the means of communication and transportation, to say
nothing of the instrumentalities of education, the labor unions, and
all of the other vital institutions in the country. And this, as we have
said, was the reason for the effort to relax the Stalinist repression and
give the people some new freedoms in order to avert a counter-revolu-
tion.
Then came the books by Dudintsev and Djilas. Then came the sharp-
ening of the breach between Tito and Khrushchev. Then came the re-
volts in Poland and Hungary, where the smoldering embers of resist-
ance burst into flame and the same Mikoyan who recently came to
spread light and sweetness in consonance with the appeasement line of
the Soviet Union toward the United States, was sent into Hungary,
backed up by the armored might of Russia, and ruthlessly mowed down
the citizens of that country as though his dead master, Stalin, were per-
sonally directing the affair. Mikoyan had learned his lesson well, be-
cause he assured the Hungarian leader of safety, persuaded him to come
to start peaceful negotiations, and when the Hungarian arrived he was
immediately liquidated.
China was not immune from the stirring of the masses of oppressed
people in resentment against the iron regime which ground them into
obedience, and mowed them down in a bath of blood. They were en-
couraged to criticize the Chinese Communist regime, the move by Mao
Tse-tung being alluded to as the "policy of the hundred flowers," but
when some of these flowers presumed to stick their heads above the
others and take advantage of the invitation to express their disagree-
ment with some of the policies of the Red Chinese regime, they were
summarily extinguished.
All of these matters plaj^ed their part in driving wedges of doubt
and dissidence deep into the hearts of many of the Communist Parties
of the world. Italy, where the party enjoyed more members than any
foreign party in the world — that is any party organization outside of
the Soviet Union- — immediately experienced a pronounced decline in
membership. To a lesser degree the same thing was true in France. In
the United States the party was divided into cliques and splinters of
party leaders in angry disagreement. John Gates, the former editor of
the Daily Worker of New York, resigned in disgust and disillusionment
when he was unable to persuade his comrades that the party organiza-
tion in this country had outlived its usefulness and should be dis-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 181
banded. He resigned, but his resignation is too recent to enable him to
completely break the Red cord that, while somewhat frazzled and tenu-
ous, nevertheless still binds him to the Communist cause. It caused the
resignation of Howard Fast, the darling of the American Communist
cultural set, whose books contained effective party propaganda and who
was hailed and praised uniformly in Communist circles until the time
of his defection, when the same voices that sang his praises the day
before now arose in a strident and angry chorus of criticism and abuse.
Why do we place so much emphasis on these events? We do so be-
cause it is necessary to understand them in order to appreciate what
has happened in our own state as a result of these things that occurred
in countries thousands of miles away. It serves to emphasize the fact
that Communism is inevitably and innately an international movement,
and that nothing can happen of any consequence in any Communist
country, especially the Soviet Union, without producing an immediate
reaction in the United States on the part of every fragment of the
party organization. We heretofore stated that in the Communist book-
store in Los Angeles we were recently able to purchase the books by
Dudintsev and Djilas and Boris Pasternak. These are actually anti-
Communist works, and the fact they are now being sold in the Com-
munist book store in the City of Los Angeles is indeed a startling
development. It points up the fact that in the International Book
Store in San Francisco none of these books are to be found, the Com-
munists in the north being more dogmatic and loyal to such national
leaders as Foster and Dennis, while the Communists in the southern
part of the State have become increasingly independent of that
leadership.
The answer to this situation is to be found in the fact that the leader
of the Southern California division of the Communist Party is Dorothy
Healey. She first appeared before our committee when she was a field
examiner in the State Department of Labor in December, 1941. Several
times married to Communist functionaries, and now the wife of Philip
M. Connelly, Dorothy Healey in 1941 was a pert, vivacious, attractive,
but completely indoctrinated Communist. She came into state employ
during the penetration of our government by Communists who flocked
into their positions during the late thirties, and particularly as a result
of the election of 1938. Dorothy Healey was typical of scores of under-
cover party members who managed to entrench themselves deep in the
heart of our State Government.
Participating in strikes, lending her considerable organizational
talents to the creation and operation of front organizations, directing
the preparation and distribution of ' propaganda, Dorothy Healey
rapidly rose in the ranks of the Communist Party until finally she
emerged as a member of its National Committee and the head of the
organization for all of Southern California. But Dorothy Healey was
also caught up in the developments of 1956. We should say at
this juncture that many of the party members who either defected
182 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
in 1956 or shortly thereafter, or who veered sharply to the right and
attacked their superiors who still clung to the old dogmatic Communist
ideas, had gradually been going through a process of disillusionment
for a great many years. In many cases this occurred unconsciously,
but people with any semblance of judgment can hardly justify a long
period of complete contradictions in the Communist Party line, and
find their ideals and beliefs blasted overnight without realizing that
no one single thing has actually caused them to leave the movement.
So when the events of 1956 occurred, for many individuals it was
simply the final nudge necessary to complete disillusionment and a
break with the party. Some individuals, of course, left the movement
completely. Some remained true to Marxism, but left the party organi-
zation for one reason or another. Others remained in the party and
fought to put over their own relatively conservative ideas against the
stubborn party leadership represented by William Z. Foster. Dorothy
Healey belonged to the latter group. Her battle with Foster was vicious
and heated. It boiled over into the pages of Political Affairs and threw
the southern California party organization into a turmoil. This is
the reason for the presence of the anti-Communist books in the Progres-
sive Book Store on West Seventh Street, and it also underscores the
contrast between this propaganda outlet and the store in San Francisco
where no such literature is to be found. In both stores Communist
books and other materials are on sale, but in Los Angeles the party
member can buy literature on both sides of the question. At 1408
Market Street in San Francisco, no such choice is available.
We have it on very good authority, which we are unable to disclose
for public scrutiny, that Dorothy Healey is in very bad graces with
the Communist high command, and that she will either be brought
back into the path of strict obedience and rectitude or compelled to
leave the party. In the meantime, efforts have been made to restore
discipline among the rank and file membership in Los Angeles, and
this effort has met with considerable success.
We sincerely hope that by describing the troubles that are besetting
the Communists in the United States, and especially in the southern
district of California, that we do not convey the impression that the
party has suddenly become weak and impotent. On the contrary, the
dedicated nucleus of party members who remain active, together with
the greatly expanded underground organization, comprises those indi-
viduals who have weathered all the storms of contortion in the party
line, are more firmly dedicated to their cause than ever before, and
who are now operating an organization that has rid itself of the
weaklings and the expendables. The party has activated its sleeper
apparatus, and the greatest weapon it now possesses is the unfortunate
apathetic attitude of many American citizens who have deluded them-
selves into thinking that the trouble from internal subversion is ended.
Members of this committee, together with such eminent authorities
as J. Edgar Hoover, the Attorney General of the United States, the
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 183
head of the Department of Justice's Division of Internal Security,
the members and staffs of the congressional committees and those of
the various state committees, undercover agents of the F. B. I., experts
who have published books on the subject such as the Overstreets,
Eugene Lyons, Elizabeth Bentley, Louis Budenz, Whittaker Chambers,
Hede Massing, Benjamin Gitlow, Howard Fast, Boris Morros, Robert
Morris — and too many others to list here, are unanimous in their
estimate that the Communist Party in this country is now a more
challenging menace than ever before. We must always remember that
the American party is simply an organization of Soviet agents operat-
ing in this nation to accelerate our destruction. So successful has been
the technique of internal subversion, not only here but throughout
the free world, that subversion by force has largely been discontinued
by the international Communist movement.
" * # * dependence of the Communists on direct armed ag-
gression has in recent years been lessened. The emphasis today
is on indirect aggression. That type of aggression places a much
heavier reliance than heretofore on subversion and espionage and
on all forms of political education and political propaganda.
The principal instrument of the Soviet Communist for carry-
ing on these tactics of subversion and political agitation abroad
is, of course, the apparatus of the international Communist con-
spiracy. ' ' 66
And as Mr. Hoover stated in his book, Masters of Deceit, the retire-
ment of the Communist Party to previously prepared underground
positions and the liquidation of most of its front organizations, to-
gether with its cleverly contrived propaganda, has tended to convince
a great many American citizens that the party has all of a sudden
become too weak to constitute any serious threats.
Any person who doubts the design of the international Communist
movement to subvert and conquer us, has only to take the time to read
the authoritative Communist literature on the subject. It is not neces-
sary to use any sources except those of the highest Communist author-
ities, since their avowed and steadfast purpose has been expressed many
times in terms much more clear and emphatic than anything contained
in the writings of the late Adolf Hitler. As Nikita Krushchev recently
declared: "But of course we must realize that we cannot coexist eter-
nally. One of us must go to his grave. We do not want to go the grave.
They don't want to go to their graves, either. So what must be done?
We must push them to their graves. ' ' (i7
Dmitri Z. Manuilsky was a prominent functionary assigned by the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union to play a leading role in the
organization of the Comintern's far-flung international organization.
His statement about the inevitability of war between the Communist
and free worlds has been cited many times, and we have referred to it
88 Department of State bulletin, Dec. 1, 1958, pp. 880-881.
87 Speech by Nikita S. Khrushchev, reported in American Mercury, Feb., 1959, p. 95.
184 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
in preceding reports. But the Manuilsky statement, because of his high
position in the Soviet hierarchy, and because of the tendency toward
apathy on the part of the American people today, is now more pertinent
than ever. Mr. Manuilsky was a presiding officer in the United Nation's
Security Council in 1949. In 1931, he made a speech at the Lenin School
of Political Warfare, during which he said :
"War to the hilt between communism and capitalism is inevi-
table. Today, of course, we are not strong enough to attack. Our
time will come in 20 to 30 years. To win we shall need the element
of surprise. The bourgeoisie will have to be put to sleep. So we
shall begin launching the most spectacular peace movement on
record. There will be electrifying overtures and unheard of eon-
cessions. The capitalist countries, stupid and decadent, will rejoice
to co-operate in their own destruction. They will leap at another
chance to be friends. As soon as their guard is down, we shall
smash them with our clenched fist. ' '
Petition for Communist School
We have also mentioned the California Labor School in San Fran-
cisco as a Communist school which we exposed in the late forties. It
had been known as the Workers School, the Tom Mooney Labor School,
and the California Labor School. A hearing on behalf of the Subversive
Activities Control Board was held in San Francisco for the purpose of
deciding whether or not the institution was in fact controlled by the
Communist Party. The decision that it was so controlled was arrived
at after the taking of considerable testimony, and this conclusion was
sent to the Board in Washington. Immediately the party apparatus
began to solicit petitions, letters, telegrams, and all sorts of pressure
tactics by its fellow-travelers, party members and sympathizers, to-
gether with a smattering of gullible liberals, and in the process filed a
petition with the Subversive Activities Control Board asking, in effect,
that this Red School be permitted to continue its operations. Signers
of this petition included : Dr. Frank Weymouth, Professor Emeritus of
Philosophy [sic] at Stanford University; Dr. Percy M. Dawson, Los
Altos ; Harriet E. Eddy, Librarian Emeritus at the University of Cali-
fornia; Rev. Stephen H. Fritchman, Pastor of the First Unitarian
Church, Los Angeles; Mrs. Helen Freeland Gibb, Berkeley; Richard
Lynden, San Francisco; Bishop Edward Lamb Parsons, San Francisco;
Prof. Ira B. Cross, Berkeley ; Rockwell Kent, New York ; Rev. Harry F.
Ward, New Jersey; Dr. Jacob Auslander, New York; Prof. Robert
Morss Lovett, Chicago; Attorney Daniel G. Marshall, Los Angeles;
Prof. Albert Guerard, Stanford University; Dr. C. L. Collins, Vallejo;
Dr. Wilbur F. Swett, San Francisco ; Dr. Joseph Kaufman, San Fran-
cisco ; Mildred Rosenthal, San Francisco ; Dr. Mary A. Sarvis, Oakland ;
Rev. Dryden L. Phelps; Clarence M. and Harriet Vickland, Oakland;
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 185
Dr. Ann Maryin, Berkeley ; Rev. Clarence B. Aggriott, Berkeley ; Dr.
Ephraim Kahn, Berkeley; Prof. Bayard Quincy Morgan, Palo Alto;
Prof. C. Alvarez-Tostado, Palo Alto; Gertrude Luehning, Palo Alto;
Prof. George H. Colliver, Stockton; D. Harding, Brisbane; Prof. Curtis
MacDougall, Evanston, 111. ; Prof. Karl De Schwienitz, Sr., Evanston,
111. ; Prof. Ambert W. Herre, Seattle ; Henry Wilcox, South Norwalk,
Connecticut ; Pauline Taylor, Youngstown, Ohio ; Dr. W. E. B. DuBois,
Brooklyn, New York; Kumar Goshal, Brooklyn, New York; Herbert
Aptheker, Brooklyn, New York; William L. Patterson, Brooklyn, New
York; Earl Robinson, Brooklyn, New York; Rev. William H. Melish,
Brooklyn, New York; Elizabeth Moos, New York City; Robert W.
Dunn, New York City ; Prof. Henry Pratt Fairchild, New York City ;
Dorothy Brewster, New York City; Hugh Hardyman, La Crescenta,
California; Clinton D. Hollister, Santa Barbara; Morton Dimonstein,
artist; Ben Margolis, Attorney, Los Angeles; John T. McTerman, At-
torney, Los Angeles; Leo Branton, Jr., Attorney, Los Angeles; Mrs.
Charlotta Bass, Los Angeles; Dr. Joseph Hittelman, Los Angeles;
Rev. D. V. Kyle, Los Angeles; A. Soundel Becker, Los Angeles; Dr.
Sidney S. Cole, Los Angeles; Stanley Moffett, former Judge, South
Gate; Rev. Emerson G. Horgan, Long Beach, and Charles S. Litwin,
Long Beach.
We can anticipate no legitimate protest to the publication of these
names, since they were appended to a petition which was filed as a
public document with the Subversive Activities Control Board in Wash-
ington, and certainly the signers of the petition would hardly have
appended their signatures to the document unless they had known
something about the character of the California Labor School. It would
have been a very simple matter to review the testimony of the hearing
in San Francisco, together with a number of hearings and reports by
this committee, as well as other official agencies. Needless to say, all of
the agencies, together with the Subversive Activities Control Board ex-
aminers in San Francisco, agreed that the organization was completely
under Communist control. A cursory review of its genealogy would
suffice to establish that purpose. An examination of the cumulative
index covering this and previous reports will indicate that most of the
signers of this petition have been referred to on many occasions in our
reports.
Although the California Communists are still suffering from the
effects of internal warfare between the Stalinists and the extreme right
and left wings, the dissident groups have now been largely eliminated,
and the difficulties have largely been resolved. We see evidences of this
in the resumption of the old militant attitude, the tapering off of the
feud between Dorothy Healey Connelly and William Z. Foster and
their respective followers, in the renewed interest in the domestic
political situation, and an acceleration in recruiting and infiltration
of the two major targets: trade unions and educational institutions.
186 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
As J. Edgar Hoover remarked at a national convention of the American
Legion :
a* * # rphg -p -g j investigations have shown that there is a
hard core of conspiratorial Reds unaffected by Party differences
and controlled by the heavy hand of Moscow. As long as this
undercover 'apparatus' exists, the Communist threat cannot be
brushed aside as trivial or fanciful. It is a continuing, aggressive
force constantly at work to suborn and subvert the American peo-
ple. * * * The influence of the subversive conspiracy has been
almost unbelievable — reaching deep into practically every walk
of life. To gauge the effectiveness of this campaign, we need only
to note the widespread and vociferous clamor raised whenever our
government attempts to deal firmly in self-defense against the sub-
versive threat.
Certain organizations obviously dedicate their efforts to
thwart the very concepts of security. They vehemently oppose
methods to gain this security and it is obvious that their aim is
to destroy it. They protest that they are fighting for freedom, but
in reality they seek license. They hypocritically bar Communists
from their membership, but they seem to hate all persons who
abhor Communists and Communism. They claim to be anti-Com-
munist but they launch attacks against Congressional legislation
to curb Communism. They distort and misrepresent and ridicule
the government 's security program. They lobby and exert pressure
on the leaders of government both in the legislative and executive
branches. ' '
There is little need now for the Communists to use one of their own
front organizations, or to create a new one for the purpose of foment-
ing a protest march against one of the government's atomic research
establishments in order to highlight a desire to scrap our atomic de-
fense program. Such a march was led a year ago against the establish-
ment at Livermore. It originated in Palo Alto, gathered a group of
pacifists, peace-at-any-price enthusiasts, party liners and fellow travel-
ers, and this small but determined cavalcade took the road for Liver-
more under the leadership of Dr. Linus Pauling, who spends some of
his, time in scientific research at Cal Tech, but who apparently devotes
most of his energies to attending Communist front meetings, following
the party line in general, and urging the discontinuance of our atomic
research for defensive purposes in particular. The Communist Party
has little need to mobilize its membership to throw picket lines around
premises that are being subjected to a Communist-supported strike be-
cause there are enough unions — most of them expelled from their par-
ent organization — that are Communist dominated to provide this sort
of manpower. There is little need for the Communist Party to finance
propaganda publications when a magazine like The Nation, or one
published in California like Frontier, will attack the F. B. I., support
the Communist fronts, editorialize sympathetically in behalf of wit-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 187
nesses that appear before legislative committees, and generally parrot
the party line for nothing.
Party techniques have changed several times since this committee
was established in 1940. But, as we have pointed out many times, a
party member who remains completely inactive is of little use to the
movement, and the instant activity is started, then the anti-Communist
techniques that have been changed to meet the situation also become
effective. The accumulation of documentary information over a period
of almost 20 years provides information of inestimable value; con-
tinuous practical experience for that length of time is even more val-
uable, and new sources of information are being constantly developed.
With the defections that have been caused by the occurrences of 1956,
many disillusioned former Communists have come forward to volunteer
their information. But it must be remembered that the party foresaw
this sort of development as early as 1931, when Vassiliev issued his
famous lecture on security and underground organization. Since the
party reorganized itself several years ago on an underground basis,
no former member can describe the activities of any unit except that
to which he belongs. This information would entail the identities and
activities of a very few individuals, and since the front organizations —
with the exception of those that we have already described as still
active — have been cast aside, it is necessary to secure information from
a great many individuals in order to obtain an accurate picture of the
inside operations of the Communist apparatus from day to day. This
task, however difficult and challenging, is by no means impossible. And
if continued vigilance results in the elimination of a few subversive
individuals a year from positions where they could do injury to our
youth, utilize critical information for the benefit of the party, twist
the thinking and activities of divisions of our State Government to the
Communist Party line — then the effort is very much worthwhile. In-
deed, there is no other medium through which responsible public
officials can be kept reliably informed concerning these vital matters.
COMMUNISM AND THE LAW
The Supreme Court
No discussion of the fight against subversion can be complete without
an understanding of the recent decisions of the United States Supreme
Court — decisions that have provoked more comment than any since the
same court declared the National Kecovery Act unconstitutional in
1935. Dealing with problems of Communist activity, this series of deci-
sions not only reflects a complete reversal of the high court's previous
attitude, but they will seriously hamper the efforts to deal adequately
with the constant challenge to our national security by subversive
forces.
It is highly pertinent that we discuss these decisions here and at
some length, and we do so for the reason that they directly affect con-
188 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
ditions in this state. One of the eases resulted in the reversal of a jury-
conviction of California Communist leaders, and struck down the
weapons that had been legally used by the F.B.I, to put them behind
bars; another decision held that the California Legislature would
thenceforth be powerless to pass sedition laws for the protection of the
people within the borders of the state; a third opinion held that a
committee of the California State Bar had no business to inquire of an
applicant for the privilege of practicing law in this state whether or
not he was then a member of the Communist Party. The other decisions,
more than a dozen, all deal with problems of internal security and are
of as much if not more practical application in California as elsewhere
in the United States. We wish to make it very plain that we do not
criticize the Supreme Court as an institution; we do not suggest, even
by implication, that its powers and prerogatives be changed. We do dis-
agree with the decisions in the field of internal security, and we know
of no rule or decision, as yet, which would deprive us of exercising that
right. It has been suggested that Congress pass legislation to whittle
down the high Court's jurisdiction. We wish to make it clear, again,
that we imply nothing of the sort in this portion of our report. We do
wish to present the facts fully, and for that purpose we will refer to
resolutions passed by the American Farm Bureau Federation, the Con-
ference of State Chief Justices from the several states, and the Ameri-
can Bar Association. We also have included statements by Dean Erwin
Griswold of Harvard Law School, and Louis C. Wymans, former Presi-
dent of the National Association of State Attorneys General.
The Communist Party of the United States was started at a Chicago
convention in 1919. It thereafter affiliated with the Communist Inter-
national and swore to be obedient to the mandates of the Kremlin. It
has since carried on a continual program of infiltration of our schools,
churches, cultural organizations, scientific projects and communications
media — and it has placed its agents deep in the heart of our govern-
ment. As federal and state legislative committees dug into Communist
activity and disclosed the techniques whereby liberal dupes were at-
tracted to front organizations, the people began to realize the nature of
the very imminent threat to our continued security. The Gouzenko,
Hiss, Remington, White, Ware, Wadleigh, Field, Silvermaster, Kramer,
Glasser, Oppenheimer, Fuchs, Rosenberg, Gold, Sobel and MacLean
cases, to name a very few, quickly dispel any doubt about the extent of
the infiltration. The arrest of Col. Rudolf Abel of the Soviet Secret
Police a few months ago should dispel any doubt about the present
danger.
As we have said, as these disclosures increased, so did the activities
of the F.B.I, and the legislative committees. Under the Smith Act !
Communist leaders were convicted and imprisoned. Deprived of its
leadership, harried by the testimony of defectors and undercover opera-
tives, exposed by legislative committees, the Communist Party was, by
the middle of 1951, getting desperate. In August, 1951, the organ of the
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 189
National Committee of the Communist Party of the United States
declared :
" It is evident that there is growing alarm voiced among progres-
sives and in the labor movement, at the increasing onslaught
against the Bill of Rights. The struggle against the Smith Act is
today the link to the broadest anti-Fascist unity, around the dis-
senting opinions of Justices Black and Douglas. [Reference is to a
decision of the U. S. Supreme Court upholding the constitution-
ality of the Smith Act, in which Justices Black and Douglas wrote
a dissenting opinion.] The demand for a hearing by the Supreme
Court on the appeal of the eleven Communist leaders and the de-
fense of all others to be tried under the Smith Act are bound
together as one struggle, and must be the basis for an immediate
broad mass campaign to restore the Bill of Rights. (Committee's
italics.)
The American peoples' love of democracy and their will to
peace cannot be destroyed by McCarran Acts and Smith Acts.
The forces of democracy and peace in our country are possessed
of strength — a strength of which they must be made fully con-
scious. The full alerting to the conscious action of these forces in
the United States demands the vanguard role of the Communist
Party. In that role the Communist Party will continue to func-
tion— and no Hitler -like legislation and police state hounding can
halt it." (Committee's italics.)
In the September issue of the same publication this appeared :
"A rehearing must be demanded by a mobilization of everyone
who has ever spoken out on the Smith Act. This demand must be
heard decisively in Washington. (Committee's italics.) It is the
duty and responsibility of all progressive anti-Fascist, democratic
forces to join in this crusade to save the Bill of Rights. Regardless
of differences, it is the duty of the labor movement to unite against
this forerunner of the Taft-Hartley Law, which is an abominable
threat to the life of the labor movement today. We Communists,
who are post-June 6th victims of the Smith Act, are resolute in our
determination to expose the real conspirators against the historic
freedom of the American people — those who constitute an actual
clear and present danger to the freedom of our people, those who
would substitute a Smith Act for the Bill of Rights."68
There were other articles, most of them equally critical and defiant.69
The declaration of war by the Communist Party against the Supreme
Court of the United States in an effort to bring about a change in the
judicial precedent that body had established, and to gain a breathing
spell for the subversives, appeared in Political Affairs in March, 1952,
88 "The Smith Act Strikes Again," by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. Political Affairs, Aug.,
1951, pp. 18 and 22.
" "What the Supreme Court Unleashed," by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Political Affairs,
Sept., 1951, p. 28.
190 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
when a party official angrily denounced the court in an article com-
mencing on page 15, which was entitled, ' ' The Supreme Court Will Not
Have the Last "Word ! ' ' Here are some excerpts :
"The Supreme Court majority of Truman appointees has de-
clared war against the peace aspirations of the American people.
With flagrant arrogance it has provided the 'legal' framework for
further Fascist onslaughts on the most elementary democratic
rights of the people in a frenzied effort to intimidate into submis-
sion all opposition to the warmakers of Wall Street.
* * * Like the entire State apparatus of which it is a part,
the Supreme Court is an instrument of the ruling class, and its
decisions throughout the nation's history bear the imprint of that
relationship, as well as the general alignment of class forces pre-
vailing at each period * * *
These decisions make it compellingly clear that the Bill of
Rights is in the gravest danger in our history. They shout fromj
the housetops that the Supreme Court, far from being a defender!
of the Constitution, serves to acelerate monopoly's drive against]
Fascism and war.
But these decisions, drastic and sweeping as they are, cannot
be held proof of the inevitability of Fascism in the United States.;
They prove quite simply that Americans cannot rely on the Su-
preme Court for the defense of the peoples' hard-gained rights'
and liberties"
"The actions of the Supreme Court and its onslaughts on civil
liberties are directly associated with the bi-partisan war drive.'
They are directly associated with a tax on labor and the Negro j
people."
* * * The Communist Party must redouble its efforts on two
fronts — on the one hand, to overcome passive or defeatist moves
that may have been instilled in the labor progressive movements'
as a result of these new blows; on the other hand, to use these;
lessons to prove to the broad masses that their interests are vitally:
affected * * * the Party can, in the development of these move-]
ments, help give shape and form to the organization of a power-i
fid peoples' and anti-Fascist coalition.
The Supreme Court will not have the last word. The people
must and will take up the challenge." (Committee's italics.)
Whether or not this Communist campaign, announced in such clear,
and vehement terms, was successful, or whether it was pure coincidence
that resulted in the stream of new decisions by the court that wereg
eminently satisfactory to the party is an intriguing question. We know:
that such a campaign as the party announced was in fact launched;
we know that the party's propaganda nationwide machinery was set;
in motion, and that the entire strength of the organization was alerted:
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 191
o bring pressure and influence to bear in strategic places. The party
vas fighting for its very life, and this ambitious undertaking was for
he avowed purpose of bringing about a change in the type of Supreme
3ourt decisions that had so hampered the operation of the Communist
onspiracy. It needed softer laws and more freedom to continue the
vork of subverting our government.
During the last week of June, 1957, the Communist propaganda
aachinery began to hail the Supreme Court as the saviour of the
copies' liberties. The praises swelled to ever mounting proportions
yhen decision after decision was rendered by the court — hamstringing
igencies of the government, and giving the Communists more freedom
rom prosecution and exposure than they dared hope for. Completely
■eversing the position it had adopted for years, this is what the Su-
n-erne Court did within the space of two years: (The following sum-
naries of the decisions are taken from the report of the American Bar
Association, Special Committee on Communist Tactics, Strategy and
)bjectives, American Opinion, Dee. 1958, page 31 et seq.)
1. Communist Party v. Subversive Activities Control Board. The
court refused to uphold or pass on the constitutionality of the
Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, and delayed the effec-
tiveness of this act.
2. Pennsylvania v. Steve Nelson. The court held that it was unlawful
for Pennsylvania to prosecute a Pennsylvania Communist Party
leader under the sedition act of that state and indicated that the
antisedition laws of 42 states and of Alaska and Hawaii cannot be
enforced.
3. Yates v. United States. The court reversed two federal courts and
ruled that teaching and advocating forcible overthrow of our gov-
ernment, even "with evil intent," was not punishable under the
Smith Act as long as it was ' ' divorced from any effort to instigate
action to that end," and ordered five Communist leaders freed and
new trials for another nine.
4. Cole v. Young. The court reversed two federal courts and held
that, although the Summary Suspension Act of 1950 gave the
federal government the right to dismiss employees "in the inter-
est of the national security in the United States," it was not in
the interest of the national security to dismiss an employee who
contributed funds and services to an undisputed subversive organ-
ization, unless that employee was in a "sensitive position."
5. Service v. Dulles. The court reversed two federal courts which had
refused to set aside the discharge of John Stewart Service by the
State Department. The F. B. I. had a recording of a conversation
between Service and the editor of the pro-Communist magazine
Amerasia in the latter 's hotel room, during which Service spoke
of military plans which were very secret. Earlier the F. B. I. had
192 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
found large numbers of secret and confidential State Department
documents in the Amerasia office. The lower courts had followed
the McCarran Amendment which gave the Secretary of State ab- h
solute discretion to discharge any employee in the interest of the
security of the United States.
6. Slochower v. Board of Education, New York. The court reversed 1
the decisions of three New York courts and held that it was un-J
constitutional to automatically discharge a teacher, in accordance
with the law of New York, because he took the Fifth Amendment
when asked about Communist activity. On his petition for rehear-
ing, the court admitted that its opinion was in error in stating
that Slochower was not aware that his claim of the Fifth Amend-
ment was ipso facto result in his discharge; however, the court i
denied rehearing.
7. Sweezy v. New Hampshire. The court reversed the New Hamp- j
shire Supreme Court and held that the Attorney General of New j
Hampshire was without authority to question Prof. Sweezy, a<|
lecturer at the state university, concerning a lecture and other j
suspected subversive activities. Questions which the court said |
that Sweezy properly refused to answer included : ' ' Did you ad- j
vocate Marxism at that time ? ' ' And ' ' Do you believe in Com-
munism ? ' '
8. United States v. Witkovich. The court decided that, under the Im- J
migration and Nationality Act of 1952, which provides that any
alien against whom there is a final order of deportation shall ' ' give {
information under oath as to his nationality, circumstances, habits, j
associations, and activities, and such other information, whether I
or not related to the foregoing, as the Attorney General may deem j
fit and proper, ' ' the Attorney General did not have the right to I
ask Witkovich: "Since the order of deportation was entered in |
your case on June 25, 1953, have you attended any meetings of j
the Communist Party of the U. S. A.?"
9. Schware v. Board of Examiners of New Mexico. The court re-
versed the decision of the New Mexico Board of Bar Examiners r
and of the New Mexico Supreme Court which had said : ' ' Wei >
believe one who has knowingly given his loyalties to the Commu-
nist Party for six or seven years during a period of responsible
adulthood is a person of questionable character." The Supreme
Court ruled that "membership in the Communist Party during
the 1930 's cannot be said to raise substantial doubts about his
present good moral character. ' '
10. Konigsoerg v. State Bar of California. The court reversed the
decisions of the California Committee of Bar Examiners and of
the California Supreme Court, and held that it was unconstitu-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 193
tional to deny a license to practice law to an applicant who refused
to answer this question put by the Bar Committee : ' ' Mr. Konigs-
berg, are you a Communist?" and a series of similar questions.
11. Jencks v. United States. The court reversed two federal courts
and held that Jencks, who was convicted of filing a false non-
Communist affidavit, must be given the contents of all confiden-
tial F. B. I. reports which were made by any government witness
in the case even though Jencks "restricted his motions to a re-
quest for production of the reports to the trial judge for the
judge's inspection and determination whether and to what extent
the report should be made available. ' '
12. WatMns v. United States. The court reversed the Federal District
Court and six judges of the Court of Appeal of the District of
Columbia, and held that the House un-American Activities Com-
mittee could not require a witness who admitted "I freely co-
operated with the Communist Party," to name his Communist
associates, even though the witness did not invoke the Fifth
Amendment. The court said, "We remain unenlightened as to the
subject to which the questions asked petitioner were pertinent."
The court did not question the "power of the Congress to inquire
into and publicize corruption, maladministration or inefficiencies
of agencies of the government." The court did question the right
of Congress to inquire into and publicize Communism and sub-
version, and suggested that this "involves a broadscale intrusion
into the lives and affairs of private citizens. ' '
13. Ealey, Stern, & Brown v. Ohio. The court reversed the Ohio Su-
preme Court and lower courts to set aside the conviction of three
men who had refused to answer questions about Communist activ-
ities put to them by the Ohio un-American Commission.
14. Flaxer v. United States. The court reversed two federal courts and
set aside the conviction of Flaxer of contempt for refusing to pro-
duce records of alleged Communist activities subpoened by the Sen-
ate Internal Security Subcommittee.
15. Sacher v. United States. The court reversed two federal courts and
set aside the conviction of Sacher of contempt for refusing to tell
the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee whether he was "a
member of the lawyers' section of the Communist Party." In the
second Sacher appeal, the court again reversed the Court of Ap-
peal and said that this question was not pertinent to the subcom-
mittee's investigation of Communist witness Matusow's recanta-
tion. The court refused to hear any argument from the govern-
ment lawyers representing this Senate subcommittee.
7— L-4361
194 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
16. Yates v. United States. In the second Yates appeal the court re-
versed two courts and held that the refusal of Communist Party
member Yates "to answer eleven questions about Communist
membership of other persons ' ' did not constitute eleven contempts.
In the third Yates appeal, the court reversed two federal courts
and held that Yates' contempt sentence of one year should be
reduced to the fifteen days already served for this offense.
17. Bonetti v. Rogers. The court reversed two federal courts and held
that, although the Internal Security Act of 1950 provides that any
alien, who "at any time" after entering the United States shall
have been a member of the Communist Party, is deportable,
Bonetti, who became a Communist after entering the United
States, was not deportable because he had re-entered after quitting
the party. The dissenting judges charged that this construction
reads "at any time" out of the act and the word "last" into the
Statute, and "cripples the effectiveness of the act."
18. Consul General for Yugoslavia v. Andrew Artukovic. The court
reversed two federal courts and held that Artukovic, an anti-
Communist refugee from Yugoslavia who was living with his wife
and children in California, could not claim political asylum in the
United States but had to submit to an extradition hearing which
would be based on Yugoslavia's political charges.
19. Rockwell Kent v. Dulles. The court reversed two federal courts
and held that the State Department could not require every appli-
cant for a passport to file a non-Communist affidavit.
20. Dayton v. Dulles. The court reversed two federal courts and held
that the State Department had to give a passport to a research
physicist whose passport application to accept a job in India had
been denied for security reason. The Secretary of State had found
that Dayton had lived for eight months with a person who "was
involved in the espionage apparatus of Julius Kosenberg" and
that Dayton was going to work in India with another Communist
who "recently renounced his American citizenship."
Needless to say, the articles in Political Affairs assumed an entirely
different tone after these decisions had come rolling down from the
nation's highest legal tribunal.
One example of the enthusiasm with which the Communists have
taken advantage of this abrupt and complete reversal of judicial
precedent is to be seen in a recent editorial entitled, ' ' Reds Now Travel
on Their Subversive Errands — by Supreme Court Decree!" The edi-
torial points out that during the 21st convention of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union, held last February at Moscow, Khrushchev
completed his insulting and threatening remarks about the United j
States, and after a similar speech by Marshal Malinovsky, Minister of
War, an American citizen addressed the assemblage. He was James E. i
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 195
Jackson, a representative of the Communist Party of the United States.
The editorial proceeds :
"How did Jackson get there? He got there openly and legally.
And so did other U. S. Communist leaders who went to Moscow at
the same time. These characters were present because the Supreme
Court ruled last June that the Secretary of State had no right to
withhold passports from members of the Communist Party.
Jackson had been convicted by a jury in a federal court as a
conspirator against the United States. Last August the Court of
Appeals reversed the conviction, on the grounds that the Supreme
Court in a similar case had freed several convicted California red
leaders. Thus Jackson was saved from prison.
Meanwhile the Supreme Court had issued its decision that the
Communists must not be denied passports. President Eisenhower
quickly sent a special message to Congress, urging legislation au-
thorizing the Secretary of State to withhold passports from the
supporters of communism. The bill was passed in the House, but
when it came to the Senate it got tied up in a jam of legislation
just before adjournment. So the Communist Party was free to send
Jackson to represent it at the convention of the Soviet Communist
Party.
Also present in Moscow was the best-known member of the C. P.
U. S. A., Paul Robeson. He, too, had received a passport after the
Supreme Court's decision. And who should show up in Moscow,
almost immediately after Jackson, but Harry Bridges, President
of the Communist-controlled International Longshoremens and
AVarehousemens Union ? Years ago a split decision of the Supreme
Court saved this Australian-born citizen from deportation.
A few days earlier, Khrushchev received Dr. W. E. B. DuBois,
91-year-old scholar, former professor and intellectual leader of the
pro-Kremlin forces among Negroes in the United States. Both
DuBois and his wife were identified long ago as members of the
Communist Party. Although not a member now, he makes no secret
of his devotion to the Communist regime. For years his efforts to
get a passport failed. Then came the Supreme Court decision— and
DuBois was free to go to Moscow. From Moscow, DuBois and his
wife flew to Peking, defying the State Department regulation that
United States passports are not valid for travel to Red China.
Another United States citizen in Moscow was George Morris,
labor editor of the Communist Party's misnamed paper, the
Worker, and member of the CP's Labor Commission. After months
of delay, the State Department had unwillingly given him a pass-
port.
Meanwhile, Dr. Alpheus Hunton, another identified Com-
munist Party member, had gone to Africa. I hint on used to be the
Director of the Council on African Affairs, which Attorney General
Brownell called a Communist front.
196 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
The State Department has been forced to grant passports to
scores of important Communists and fellow travelers. The depart-
ment even felt obliged to give passports to a precious pair, one of
whom on a previous trip abroad made speeches charging the
United States with germ warfare ! "Who can check on what harm
such people do to the United States abroad ? Congress should adopt
the bill that President Eisenhower urged last summer, unmistak-
ably authorizing the State Department to deny passports to Com-
munists and their 'willing instruments,' and to cancel every pass-
port now in such hands. ' ' 70
While the Communists were naturally delighted with these decisions,
other segments of American life were not so pleased. The states were
expressing resentment at what they deemed the big brotherly attitude
of the court in substituting its own judgment for that of state agencies.
The Department of Justice and the F. B. I. expressed resentment be-
cause of the edict that threw open their secret files to the scrutiny of
the sort of lawyer who would defy state bar committees that inquired
about his subversive affiliations in determining his fitness to practice
law. School administrators were resentful because they were stripped
of their power to fire teachers who refused to answer questions about
their Communist activity. Administrators of the federal loyalty pro-
gram were resentful because they were shorn of their authority to fire
disloyal employees, no matter what sort of a job they held. Experience
had indicated clearly that a non-sensitive position in government today
might well become highly sensitive overnight.
Judging from the flood of editorials, magazine articles, resolutions,
newspaper items and commentaries, the public as a whole is also resent-
ful because the Communists were figuratively handed a license to pur-
sue their subversive activities almost without restriction, while the
agencies of the government — federal and state alike — charged with the
duty of coping with the problem, were loaded with new shackles and
new restrictions. On July 1, 1957, Life Magazine ran an editorial that
put the sentiments tersely:
" * * * The Smith Act, the Congressional investigations, the
Hiss and Rosenberg cases, the loyalty procedures, the internal
security laws, are not only facts of life but wound stripes on an
older, tougher and wiser body politic.
Instead of earning its own stripes by wrestling with the same
problem, the court often displays the most lamentable virginity
about Communism. ' '
"When, a few months ago, the House of Delegates of the American
Bar Association adopted a resolution criticizing these decisions and
recommending that Congress pass legislation to rectify matters, an im-
mediate protest was heard from the Communists, their front organiza-
tions, and assorted liberals. They called the American Bar Association
™ Editorial. Saturday Evening Post, April 4, 1959, p. 10.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 197
old fashioned, conservative to the point of reactionism, and shrugged
off the fact that the House of Delegates represented thousands of the
most able members of the legal profession in the United States.
We have never seen any publication calling attention to the fact that
the American Bar Association, although certainly the most persuasive
organization that lifted a voice of protest against these decisions, is by
no means the earliest or the only legal body that expressed such senti-
ments. On June 24, 1957, the President of the National Association of
State Attorneys General, represented by delegates at a Sun Valley,
Idaho, meeting declared that :
"The recent Supreme Court decisions have thrown the fight against
Communism for a 25-year loss." He received a standing ovation from
the assembled delegates.71
On August 20, 1958, the Tenth Annual Conference of State Chief
Justices, representing 48 states, Hawaii and Puerto Rico, met at Pasa-
dena. There they approved a report criticizing the decisions of the
Supreme Court in a resolution that declared:
" * * * In the fields with which we are concerned, and as to
which we feel entitled to speak, the Supreme Court too often has
tended to adopt the role of policymaker without proper judicial
restraint. We feel this is partially the case in the extension of the
federal power and in the supervision of state action by the Supreme
Court by virtue of the Fourteenth Amendment. In the light of the
immense power of the Supreme Court and its practical nonreview-
ability in most instances, no more important obligation rests upon
it, in our view, than that of careful moderation in the exercise of
its policymaking role.
It has long been an American boast that we have a government
of laws and not of men. We believe that any study of recent de-
cisions of the Supreme Court will raise at least considerable doubt
as to the validity of that boast. ' '
Specifically mentioned in this report adopted at the meeting were
three decisions concerning Communism : Nelson v. Pennsylvania,
Sweezy v. New Hampshire, and Konigsoerg v. California.72
Dean Erwin N. Griswold, of Harvard Law School, whom even the
members of the National Lawyers Guild could hardly term reactionary,
has criticized the court for basing its own opinions on grounds that
were far too broad, and offered the Watkins case of 1957, which has
effectively hampered Congress in its attempts to elicit information about
subversion, as an example of the court's unwarranted generalizing of a
narrow issue.73
Not only lawyers and judges have raised their voices in protest
against this reversal of judicial precedent, but laymen as well. In De-
cember, the American Farm Bureau Federation held its fortieth annual
n Los Angeles Times, June 25, 1957.
72 Los Angeles Times, Aug. 21, 1958 ; Sept. 12, 195S.
78 National Review, Nov. 8, 1958, p. 292.
198 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
convention at Boston, Massachusetts, and passed a resolution which
provided :
"We are deeply concerned with respect with the tendency of the
United States Supreme Court to enact legislation by judicial ac-
tion."
And the resolution recommended that :
"* * * Congressional action be taken prescribing the proper
limits of court jurisdiction and correcting or conforming legisla-
tion in those fields where the Supreme Court has invaded the legis-
lative field."74
No informed person could possibly entertain the idea that the Su-
preme Court Justices are subversive, or that any of them are pro-Com-
munist. Earl Warren was appointed Chief Justice to fill the vacancy
created by the death of Fred Vinson in 1953. He assumed office imme-
diately, which brought a quick protest from certain professors of con-
stitutional law who pointed out quite accurately that his action was
somewhat premature, because he had neglected to wait until he was
confirmed by the Senate. Since the flood of controversial and liberal
decisions was commenced about the time Warren assumed office, there
has been much speculation in the press and magazines and on the part
of commentators about whether he was the ultra-liberal whose per-
suasiveness carried along the majority of the court.
It happens that Earl Warren is probably the only Chief Justice of
the United States Supreme Court who, prior to assuming that position,
had been questioned by a committee on un-American Activities. We
referred to the occasion earlier. He appeared as a co-operative witness
before our committee in San Francisco when he was serving as the
State Attorney General on December 3, 1941. The circumstances were
these : The press had recently announced the release on parole of three
convicts who had been convicted by Warren when he was district attor-
ney in Oakland. They had been arrested and prosecuted for the murder
of an anti-Communist crusader named Alberts, and the Communist
press and the propaganda outlets were most solicitous in their behalf
and most uncomplimentary to Warren. He declared that at least two
of the men were Communists. Culbert Olson was Governor at the time,
and Warren charged him with playing politics by favoring the granting
of the parole. That action, said Warren, " * * * was nothing more nor
less than appeasement to the Communists for what he had done in sign-
ing the bill against them. ' ' Mr. Warren successfully opposed Olson in
the next gubernatorial election.
During his lengthy testimony before the committee, Warren ex-
pressed his attitude toward Communism and state committees on un-
American activities. He declared that such a committee could render
service by exposing subversive activities — a fact that is stressed here
only because he was to take the opposite view in one of the decisions
74 Los Angeles Times, Dec. 12, 1958.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 199
already referred to. His attitude toward legislative committees must
have continued during his three terms as Governor, since he constantly
called upon this committee for the purpose of ascertaining whether any
of the persons he was considering for appointive positions had subver-
sive records.
His testimony against Communism was positive, clear, emphatic, and
unhesitating. To intimate that Chief Justice Warren is in any way sub-
versive is simply foolish.
The Law Clerks
It has been pointed out that there are 18 young clerks who assist the
justices in preparing their opinions.75 They are selected from leading
law schools on the basis of their outstanding scholarship. Their average
age is 27 years, and six of them have never passed the Bar examination.
None of them are subjected to a loyalty screening. Alger Hiss once
served as a law clerk to one of the Supreme Court Justices. These young
men submit their opinions concerning the law, prepare memoranda that
form the backbone of the ultimate decisions, discuss the theory of each
decision with their respective justices, and thus are obviously in a posi-
tion to exert a tremendous influence on the general tenor of the court
and its opinions.
Since the opinions of the Supreme Court are of such vital importance
to the nation, it would seem that these influential young men should
be required to have some experience in the practice of the law, and
should be picked for stability and balance and loyalty and common
sense — not simply because they made high grades studying legal theory
in law school. Certainly they should be subjected to a loyalty screening
like the other federal employees. The extremely sensitive nature of their
jobs is amply demonstrated by the character of the decisions regarding
our Nation 's internal security that we have already discussed.
The article in U. 8. News & World Report closes with this statement :
"It is openly acknowledged in Washington, however, that the
Supreme Court Justices lean heavily on the shoulders of their
young assistants. It is unlikely, say observers of the Federal Courts'
system, that the justices could wade through the 1,500 to 2,000
cases that confront them each term without benefit of the spade
work done for them by their clerks.
The question that is raised at this time, when the Supreme
Court is deploying its power in fields formerly controlled by other
branches of the government, is whether the influence of these young
law clerks — some of them as yet not even admitted to the Bar —
is reflected in court opinions."
Whether or not these clerks have a record of documentable affiliation
with subversive organizations, it is manifest that if, while attending
college and law school, they were subjected to a subtle dissemination
75 U. S. News d World Report, July 12, 1957, p. 135.
200 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
of the party line, they could become infected to such an extent that
they would act as ideological Typhus Marys — hut we do not accuse
any of these clerks with subversion, any more than such charges
should be leveled at members of the court. The Communists called
the court and everything* attached to it a great many insulting things
when the tide of decision was flowing against them, and characteris-
tically reversed themselves at precisely the time the court began to
reverse its opinions. It is our purpose in this portion of the report to
simply point out the fact that a situation exists which should be
brought to the attention of all persons interested in combatting subver-
sion, and certainly to the members of the Legislature of this State where
some of these decisions originated. We wish to emphasize the fact that
the Communist Party of the United States did work to bring about
exactly this sort of judicial change.
It is also significant to note that at a Communist Party meeting held
in Seattle last year, spokesmen for the party who came from New
York to attend the affair declared that the party had, indeed, an-
nounced its intention to spearhead a national crusade to bring
about this change in the decisions that were causing it so much
oppression, and that the party then and there claimed full credit for
having been responsible for the recent stream of decisions that enabled
it to go about its business with more freedom than ever before. This
meeting was covered by at least three undercover informants, each of
them made sworn and independent statements, and the committee not
only has them in its files but also has a document giving us permission
to refer to them in this fashion.
The Commission on Government Security, in the report heretofore
mentioned, considered the problem of screening these law clerks, and
made the following recommendation:
"The judicial branch of the government should take effective
steps to insure that its employees are loyal and otherwise suitable
from the standpoint of national security."
And the commission proceeded to give the rationale for its recom-
mendation, in part, as follows:
"It is fundamental that there should be no reasonable doubt
concerning the loyalty of any federal employee in any of the three
branches of the government. In a judicial branch, the possibility
of disloyal employees causing damage to the national security is
ever-present. As an example, federal judges, busy with the ever-
crowded court calendars, must rely upon assistance to prepare
briefing papers for them. False or biased information inadvertently
reflected in court opinions in crucial security, constitutional, gov-
ernmental or social issues of national importance could cause severe
effects to the nation's security and to our federal loyalty-security
system generally.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 201
There appears to be no valid reason why an employee of the
judicial branch should not be screened, at least as to his basic
loyalty to the United States. Certainly the judiciary proper and
the public generally should have the assurance that the men and
women who carry the administrative responsibilities of the courts
or assist in the preparation of decisions are loyal, dependable
Americans.
The Commission therefore recommends, as in the case of the
legislative branch, that the judicial branch and the executive
branch endeavor to work out a program under which adequate
investigation or screening can be provided for all judicial em-
ployees." 76
The American Bar Association special committee that rendered the
report on which the Association's resolution was based, had this to
say about the present Communist menace :
"The phrase 'remember Pearl Harbor' should remind us that
we, people and leaders, were cocksure and complacent before the
afternoon of December 7, 1941. The F. B. I. had warned of fre-
quent messages from the Japanese Consulate at Hawaii to Tokyo
telling of the presence and absence of American warships at Pearl
Harbor. Dies Committee reports of Japanese espionage by fishing
vessels were ridiculed as headline hunting. Capt. Laurance Safford,
who was recently awarded $100,000 by a grateful Congress for his
World War II coding and decoding inventions, had decoded all
the Japanese pre-Pearl Harbor war messages for his superiors. Yet,
the attack came as a stunning surprise.
Most persons who are informed on Communism think our
country is now in greater danger than were the Titanic and Pearl
Harbor. The thesis of J. Edgar Hoover's new book, Masters of De-
ceit, is: 'Communism is the major menace of our time. Today, it
threatens the very existence of our Western civilization.'
In his speech to the 1957 national convention of the American
Legion, Mr. Hoover warned : ' To dismiss lightly the existence of
the subversive threat in the United States is to deliberately to
commit national suicide. In some quarters we are surely doing
just that.'
On July 6, 1958, Prof. J. Sterling Livingston, a Pentagon
consultant, stated : ' The doctrine of pre-emptive war is definitely a
part of Soviet strategy. The Russian's plan as part of their strategy
to strike a forestalling nuclear blow against their enemies.'
The lawyer-author of the Gaither report to the President on
national security recently told our Association : ' Our security is
in unprecedented peril * * * The ultimate objective of interna-
tional Communism is world domination, and the Soviet Union will
78 Report of Commission on Government Security, pursuant to Public Law 304, Eighty-
fourth Congress, as amended, June, 1957, pp. 106-107.
202 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
pursue this objective ruthlessly and relentlessly, employing every
possible political, economic, subversive, and military strategy and
tactic'."
The Bar Association's special committee considered Communists in
the legal profession such a serious menace to the nation's security,
and so inconsistent with the standards of the profession that it has im-
plemented its convictions with positive action. The report declared :
"In accordance with the resolution of the House of Delegates
and authorization of the Board of Governors, our committee — on
the request of the State Attorney for its co-operation — applied
for and obtained permission to appear as amicus curiae in the
appeal pending in the Supreme Court of Florida from the order of
dismissal of the disciplinary proceedings against Leo Sheiner.
Leo Sheiner had twice previously been ordered disbarred by the
Circuit Court of Florida.
Our committee prepared and submitted a brief to the Supreme
Court of Florida stating its views on the duty of the Bar and of
the courts to cleanse its ranks of an unfit member. The committee
further stated its concepts of an acceptable standard of fitness for
attorneys and for the unfitness of any member of the Bar who, in
appropriate proceedings, persists in refusal to answer pertinent
questions concerning his activities in the Communist Party or Com-
munist-dominated fronts on the grounds that his answers to such
questions concerning his activities might tend to incriminate him.
It is inconceivable to us that an attorney and officer of the court
may continue in good standing while he pleads self-incrimination
in refusing to answer questions relating to subversive activities.
The brief pointed out that, in other walks of life, labor union
officials, teachers, government emploj^ees, and employees of private
industry, there had been set a standard under which the individual
might be safeguarded in invoking the Fifth Amendment to inquiries
which might tend to incriminate him, but by so doing he forfeits
his position of trust and responsibility. The Sheiner case is very
important to the Bar as other states having such problem attorneys
on their roles have been awaiting the final decision in this matter.
The appeal was argued before the Supreme Court of Florida on
February 8, 1958. Julius Applebaum, a member of our committee,
argued as amicus curiae for this association. On July 24, 1958, the
court issued an order on its own motion requesting argument on
September 5, 1958, and permitting supplemental briefs as to the
application of three decisions. * * * rendered by the United States
Supreme Court on June 30, 1958. Our committee is preparing such
supplemental briefs in behalf of the association that will partici-
pate in the reargument. Our committee is willing to appear in simi-
lar cases upon direction of the House of Delegates or Board of
Governors." (Committee's italics.)
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 203
It is most interesting to note, by way of contrast, that the Supreme
Court of free Germany started to consider the legal status of the Com-
munist Party in that country about the same time as our Subversive
Activities Control Board did — each court taking evidence for a period
of about five years. As we have seen, our Supreme Court not only re-
versed the board when it decided against the Communist Party and
sent the matter back for more years of taking evidence, but has per-
sistently refused to rule on the. constitutionality of the Act of 1950,
under which the board functions.
This is what the German Supreme Court held :
"The Communist Party of Germany is unconstitutional.
"The Communist Party of Germany will be dissolved.
"It is prohibited to establish substitute organizations for the
Communist Party of Germany or to continue existing organizations
as substitute organizations.
"The assets of the Communist Party of Germany will be con-
fiscated in favor of the Federal Republic of Germany for purposes
of the common weal. ' ' 77
Hancock v. Burns
On August 10, 1953, the committee held a closed hearing in the City
of San Francisco for the purposes of investigating the extent to which
the Pacific Gas & Electric Company had been infiltrated by Commu-
nists. Among the witnesses subpoened were Patrick Thomas Hancock,
Travis Lafferty, Joseph Chasm, and Holden Hayden. The press was not
admitted to the hearing, and each of the witnesses was represented by
counsel. When questioned about membership in the Communist Party
and activities as Communists, the defendants all invoked the privilege of
the Fifth Amendment and declined to testify on the ground that if
they gave truthful answers to these questions they would subject them-
selves to criminal prosecution.
Other witnesses were called during the course of the hearing, and
thereafter Senator. Burns, as chairman of the committee, wrote a letter
to the Pacific Gas & Electric Company in which he stated that the em-
ployees mentioned bad invoked the Fifth Amendment and expressed his
opinion that employees of public utilities in general who invoked the
Fifth Amendment when questioned by official agencies under oath about
their subversive affiliations were bad security risks. Thereafter, on
August 14, 1953, after the committee had authorized the release of a
complete transcript of the hearing, the Pacific Gas & Electric Company
discharged the four employees mentioned.
On August 13, 1954, a matter of minutes before the statute of limita-
tions would have barred the right of the employees to file a suit, a
complaint was filed in the Superior Court of the State of California at
San Francisco against Senator Burns, Senator Nathan F. Coombs,
"Judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court, Aug. 17, 1956. Translation by the
Division of Language Service, U. S. Department of State.
204 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
the late Senator Earl D. Desmond, Senator John F. McCarthy and
Senator John F. Thompson, both individually and as members of the
committee, and against R. E. Combs, individually and in his capacity
as counsel for the committee. The complaint alleged all of the facts
heretofore stated, and proceeded to charge that all of the members of
the committee and its counsel had wrongfully conspired to persuade the
Pacific Gas & Electric Company to discharge the plaintiffs and asked for
damages in the sum of $218,333.
The San Francisco Superior Court ruled that the plaintiffs had no
case, and sustained a demurrer without leave to amend. An appeal was
then taken to the District Court of Appeals for the first Appellate Dis-
trict of California, where a written decision was rendered by a unani-
mous court in favor of the committee. The plaintiffs then appealed to
the State Supreme Court, and their appeal was rejected. Since the
rendering of our last report, time for an appeal to the Supreme Court
of the United States has elapsed and the case has ended.
It is to be noted that the attorney for the plaintiffs was also the
attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern Cali-
fornia, and was so designated on the complaint; and after he resigned
from that position he was replaced by Attorney Albert M. Bendich,
staff counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern Cali-
fornia, and these attorneys were assisted by Rubin Tepper and Edward
F. Newman. The committee was represented by the Attorney General
of the State, then the Honorable Edmund G. Brown, through his Chief
Assistant, Clarence A. Linn, by the Legislative Counsel Bureau and
the San Francisco firm of Melvin, Faulkner, Sheehan & Wiseman.
So important and practically valuable to all legislative committees
was the opinion rendered by the district court of appeal in our favor,
that we quote briefly from it as follows:
"While Senate Resolution No. 127 does not, nor could it, au-
thorize the commission of tortious acts, nevertheless it does estab-
lish a committee of the State Senate authorized to act as an official
adjunct of that body. Such committees are expressly authorized
by our State Constitution in Article IV, Section 37. Therefore,
by reading the resolution in conjunction with the complaint, it
becomes apparent that the conjunctive pleading of respondents'
status (as to respondents' having acted both as committee mem-
bers and as individuals in doing the acts here complained of)
must be grounded on reasoning that by going outside the legisla-
tive sphere the defendants were stripped of any legislative im-
munity and stand before the court as individuals.
This theory of the evaporative quality of legislative immunity,
by its very statement, discloses its own vice. If government, operat-
ing through the individuals who form it, is afforded immunity
from private suit only when its actions are beyond any question,
and loses that immunity upon mere allegation of improper motives
or unlawful acts in a complaint seeking damages, then those per-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 205
sons who form government are subject to the threat of personal
liability in any matter in which their discretion is exercised.
The fact that a legislative committee erroneously exercised
powers, in a mistaken belief that it has such powers, would imme-
diately subject its members to the harrassment of litigation. What
would a logical extension of this rule lead to so far as the judiciary
is concerned? Would a judge who mistakenly assumed the juris-
diction in a proceeding be liable to personal suit by an agrieved
party litigant who merely alleged willfulness, wrongfulness and
malice? Would not such a rule require the examination of the
motives as well as the propriety of all governmental action by
our courts? We think so.
The basic principle of separation of power which is one of
the bases for our entire form of constitutional government would
be diluted to the point where the judicial branch, because of artful
allegations in a complaint, would be required to re-examine every
act of the executive and legislative branches which had an adverse
effect upon any individual.
Granting that the courts have the privilege and the duty of
protecting the personal civil rights of the citizens of this Country
from abuse, nevertheless, when the enforcement of such personal
civil rights results in an erosion of the government which alone
can guarantee such rights, the obligation to society as a whole
may dictate that the individual forego personal recovery for in-
juries suffered so that government may continue.
It has often been said that when elected officials so conduct
themselves as to indicate a lack of essential obligation to their
responsibilities, there are remedies available to the electorate
which can correct these abuses ; also the power of impeachment still
exists. 'The Constitution has left the performance of many duties
in our governmental scheme to depend upon the fidelity of the
executive and legislative action and, ultimately, on the vigilance
of the people in exercising their political rights.'
It will no doubt be argued that, by holding the action here
taken by the committee as within the protection afforded by legis-
lative immunity, the members of such a committee could commit
any tortious act by claiming it to be within the same rule. The
argument would, however, fail. Were the committee or its members
charged with the commission of some bodily injury inflicted on
another in the course of conducting their hearings, such acts could
not reasonably be urged to come within the immunity here stated,
as the mere recitation of the infliction of bodily harm is a state-
ment of an act which by no reasonable means could be encompassed
by the immunity.
The act here complained of was committed by the use of the
ordinary means adopted by such committees in reporting their
206 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
findings and conclusions : namely, the preparation and forwarding
of a written communication.
One of the basic foundations of our constitutional government
is to be found in the separation of powers. This doctrine has been
recognized as essential to a free form of government wherein
public officers may perform their duties untrammeled by fear of
sanction in the form of personal liability if it transpires that their
acts were unwise or based upon a misinterpretation of the law.
Much has been written, commencing with Montesquieu in the
Eighteenth Century, and continuing up to date, regarding the
necessity or advisability of continuing the doctrine of the separa-
tion of powers. It has been said, 'The problems of government
are complicated and difficult of solution. But must it not be ap-
parent to everyone, as we gaze into the future, that we cannot
hope to maintain the way of life which we call American without
exercising every effort to preserve to each branch of government
its proper sphere and the states and the union a due recognition
of their proper function.'78
The rights here sought to be enforced are assuredly right to
which a citizen of this country is entitled unless, in the exercise
of those rights, the person committing the act is protected by some
privilege or immunity. * * *
In view of our holding that the action of respondents here
was protected by their legislative immunity * * * it is not neces-
sary to discuss the other points urged by appellants. The im-
munity appearing on the fact of the complaint, it would be useless
to allow amendments.
The judgment is affirmed. McMurray, Justice pro Tern; Peters,
Presiding Justice ; Bray, Justice. ' '
THE LIQUIDATORS
We have noted how the Communist Party found it necessary to
declare war on the Supreme Court of the United States and launch
a campaign to bring about a change in the type of decisions being
handed down b}r that tribunal. We also noted how the Communists
mounted the campaign and then claimed credit for the complete and
sudden reversal of the Supreme Court's opinions and the issuance of
a series of decisions that gave it more freedom than ever. Not content
with having brought about this amazing situation, for which the party
claims full credit, it is now engaged in an equally earnest and wide-
spread endeavor to liquidate the state and federal legislative commit-
tees on un-American activities and to further stifle the activities of
the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
78 The Doctrine of the Separation of Powers and Its Present Day Significance, by
Arthur T. Vanderbilt, p. 142.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 207
In previous reports we have discussed in great detail the old cultural
front, the Arts, Sciences and Professions Council. We also gave resumes
of hearings involving its successor, the Citizens Committee to Preserve
American Freedom. We have indicated how a great many of the lead-
ers of the old Arts, Sciences and Professions Council are now to be
found doing equally active work for the Citizens Committee to Pre-
serve American Freedom. This organization, largely confined to the
southern part of the state, although it has also been active to some
extent elsewhere, is loosely affiliated with the Emergency Civil Liber-
ties Committee, a nationwide organization established in 1957 for the
same general purposes. Frank Wilkinson, a graduate of the University
of California at Los Angeles, and formerly a top employee of the Los
Angeles City Housing Administration, is probably the most active
single figure in both organizations, being loaned back and forth between
the two as the exigencies of the situation may demand.
Wilkinson was first brought to the attention of this committee when
the former Attorney General of the State, now Governor Edmund G.
Brown, together with the Housing Authority, requested us to conduct
an investigation into alleged Communist infiltration, and which resulted
in a closed hearing and the discharge of several employees, including
Wilkinson.
It was also disclosed that Mrs. Wilkinson was employed as a teacher
by the Los Angeles City Board of Education, and this led to the
first of a series of hearings that ended with the discharge of more
teachers, paved the way for the passage of the so-called Dilworth Act,
and prompted the board of education to inaugurate a system by which
it could keep itself currently advised concerning the subversive back-
grounds of applicants for employment, both academic and adminis-
trative.
On the occasion of its last hearings concerning the Citizens Com-
mittee to Preserve American Freedom, and at hearings involving the
former Communist front, the Arts, Sciences and Professions Council,
the committee had intended to subpoena Dr. Murray Abowitz, who
had been prominent as a member of the Medical Division of the latter
organization. He appeared before the committee in Los Angeles on
June 9, 1958, represented by his attorney, Robert W. Kenny.
The witness admitted that he was chairman of the medical division
of the Arts, Sciences and Professions Council in 1952, and also re-
called having attended several meetings of the organization over a
period of several years, together with several meetings of the Citizens
Committee to Preserve American Freedom.
It will be recalled that the Arts, Sciences and Professions Council
was a Communist-controlled organization, described as such by several
official agencies, but that it had dissolved itself shortly before Dr.
Abowitz testified at the hearing in 1958. He had no hesitancy in testi-
fying about his activities in that organization, but promptly invoked
208 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
the Fifth Amendment when asked whether or not he was a Communist.
The following question was then put to him:
Q. (By Mr. Combs) : Is it not a fact that you joined the Com-
munist Party in Los Angeles in 1936, that you were attached to
the physicians branch of the 13th Congressional District Sec-
tion, that in 1938 your Communist membership book bore No.
78476, and that in 1939 your Communist membership book bore
No. 1205?
The Witness: I decline to answer to answer that, too, on the
same ground.
Q. Is it not also a fact that during the period of your member-
ship in the Communist Party, commencing in 1936 and extending
through 1939, you used the Communist Party name or alias of
Thomas Wilson?
A. I decline to answer that question also on the same grounds,
but I would also like to point out to you, Mr. Combs, that I wasn 't
in California in 1938— '36.
Q. Where were you in 1936?
A. I was in medical school in Vienna, Austria.
Q. Would that prevent your having been assigned to the Com-
munist Party of Los Angeles County ?
A. I was just trying to help you with your records; I'm just
trying to be helpful.
Q. I am satisfied with it."
Dr. Abowitz admitted that he had attended meetings of the Civil
Eights Congress, which was described by the United States Attorney
General as a Communist front organization and by the witness as "a
fine, worthy organization that defended many civil rights cases. * * * "
The witness also stated that he had contributed to the Joint Anti-
Fascist Kefugee Committee, that he held a membership in the Interna-
tional Workers Order — both Communist-controlled organizations— and
that he was on the Board of Directors of the Communist school in Los
Angeles, the California Labor School, in 1948, and was affiliated with
the American-Soviet Medical Society.
Dr. Abowitz has been identified as a member of the Communist Party
by several witnesses, probably the earliest one being a former employee
of this committee who declared under oath that she had known Dr.
Abowitz and his wife as members of the Communist Party during the
late thirties.79
A documentation from Communist sources and from various official
agencies investigating Communist activities was recently published by
Mr. George Robnett, of Pasadena. The booklet, entitled, "The Crusade
See affidavit and testimony of Rena M. Vale, 1943 committee report; see, also, 1947
report, pages 54, 55, 70, 73, 210, 238, 241, 244, 298; 194S report, pages 198, 239,
253, 254, 279, 308, 309, 355; 1949 report pases 421, 428, 433, 435, 436, 478; 1951
report, pages 255, 268, 275, 280; 1953 report, page 139; 1959 report, pages 86,
100, 105-109, 112, 114, 138, 208, 223, 267, 277, 287, 293, 295, 302, 303, 307, 308,
311-313, 315-318, 320, 338, 351, 357, 360, 367, 370, 374, 387.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 209
Against Government Investigating Agencies, a Report on Forces and
Processes, ' ' opens with this statement :
"What do you think would be the reaction in this country if a
group of individuals were caught trying to destroy our Army, our
Navy, or our Air Force, especially at a time when we were engaged
in a life and death struggle with some enemy country?
How different would you consider this to be in principle from
the present collaboration of certain individuals and groups whose
clear purpose is to destroy our front line of security — defense
agencies, when we are engaged in the deadliest 'cold' war that this
Country has ever faced with an avowed enemy ?
This latter reference is to an open and active crusade by
certain groups to demolish the House Committee on un-American
Activities, as well as to a campaign, not so openly declared but
just as real, to discredit and dissipate the work of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation and other security agencies."
The attack against the Federal Bureau of Investigation was kicked
off on October 18, 1958, with a special issue of The Nation, edited by
Carey Mc Williams. The entire issue of 280 pages is devoted to an article
by Fred J. Cook entitled, "The F. B. I." Our copy was purchased at
the International Book Store, 1408 Market Street, San Francisco, Cali-
fornia, where it seemed to be in great demand.
Mr. McWilliams has been the author of several books, many of them
widely sold. He is the author of Factories in the Field, he appeared as
a witness before this committee many years ago, and he has been listed
as a member of practically every major Communist front organization
that ever existed. McWilliams was active in California as Commissioner
of Immigration and Housing in the early forties, having been appointed
to that position by Governor Culbert Olson, and prior to that time he
had been active in Labor's Non-Partisan League, the United Organiza-
tion for Progressive Political Action, and with the Communist Party
itself. During the late thirties McWilliams was collaborating with
Dorothy Healey, who was then known as Dorothy Ray. We have al-
ready devoted some attention to Mrs. Healey, now Mrs. Philip M.
Connelly, in her capacity as the Chairman of the Southern California
Division of the Communist Party, and the target for considerable
criticism on the part of the top functionaries in New York. In October,
1938, Dorothy Ray was sent to Bakersfield by the International of the
United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing & Allied Workers of America,
a Communist-dominated union, to handle a cotton strike in that vicinity.
Two years thereafter a field workers' school was sponsored by that
union at Chino, California, for the purpose of training its organizers.
Among the instructors at the institution, with whom Dorothy Healey
was then co-operating, were Revels Cayton, Amy Schechter, and Carey
McWilliams.
210 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Mr. Mc Williams, contemporaneously with his elevation to a state
position with some prestige and authority, ceased his intimate contacts
with the Communist Party but continued to publish his progressive-
type books, kept up his dues in front organizations, and essayed the
role of a liberal. The fact is, however, that Mr. Mc Williams did join the
Communist Party, according to the sworn statements of many indi-
viduals who sat in closed party meetings with him. How long his mem-
bership continued we do not know, but we are quite aware of the fact
that his Communist front affiliations have continued for at least 20
years, and that he is the editor of a publication that contains an attack
against the Federal Bureau of Investigation that was considered so
effective that it evoked high praise from the Soviet Union, as follows :
"It transpires from Cook's article and from press reports on big
trials that the main task of the F. B. I. is the identification and
liquidation, including the physical liquidation, of persons of whom
the U. S. ruling circles disapprove for one reason or another." 80
No stranger to the artifices and techniques of the Communist Party,
especially in California, is Los Angeles County's new Sheriff, Peter
Pitchess. While an F. B. I. agent in Los Angeles, one of Pitchess' duties
was to deliver lectures to peace officers throughout the state. At the
LaFayette Hotel in Long Beach last February 12, Mr. Pitchess told
members of the Exchange Club that the Communist Party is conducting
a "concerted drive to destroy public confidence in the F. B. I. That the
Communist Party and its sympathizers and apologists whose hatred
for the F. B. I. results from its effectiveness in carrying out its re-
sponsibilities and in protecting the internal security of America, had
been accelerated to an extreme degree. ' '
Sheriff Pitchess concluded his remarks by adding: "I must further
express hope that the American public * * * will continue to demon-
strate its faith in this great law enforcement leader, J. Edgar Hoover,
by rejecting the foul spewings of the Kremlin's messenger boys."sl
In contrast to the remarks of Los Angeles County's Sheriff, let us
examine some comments by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, charter member
of the Communist Party of the United States and a member of its
National Committee. Mrs. Flynn, herself a Smith Act defendant who
was sent to prison, and who played a remarkably active role in the
party's fight to bring about a change in the federal laws that were
hampering its operations, was moved to comment about J. Edgar Hoo-
ver and his book, Masters of Deceit, which attained best-seller status.
She said :
"* * * J. Edgar Hoover is today the undisputed czar of the
F. B. I. The master of self-adulation, who continually publicizes
himself on the radio, in the press and magazines, speaks to women's
clubs, graduating classes, businessmen, the Legion, etc. If ever
80 Radio Moscow, 1S00 gmp. 22 December, 1958.
81 Los Angeles Examiner, Feb. 12, 1959.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 211
there was a shilling example of the 'cult of the individual,' it is
exemplified in this politically illiterate and conceited man, who has
used almost unlimited power for the attempted suppression of the
Bill of Rights."82
In Washington Congressman James Roosevelt introduced a measure
which would have taken away the autonomous power of the House
Committee on un-American Activities and stifle it to death by absorb-
ing it in the Judiciary Committee. The House, however, voted $327,000
to enable the committee to function during the current year, and the
Communist pressure has apparently been shifted to bring about a repeal
of the McCarran Act, to undermine public respect for the F. B. I. The
tentative moves have already been made, but, as was the case of the
campaign to liquidate the House Committee on un-American Activities,
the sniping is always made from concealed positions and frequently by
individuals who have no formal connection with the party but are,
nevertheless, most sensitive to its demands and responsive to its
pressures.
An example of how some of these credulous liberals are utilized con-
temptuously by the Soviet Union appears in a book by Boris Morros,
an undercover counter agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
"Some time before, I had told Vitaly that I would be returning
to the United States in the Fall. He had two assignments for me
on this trip : he wanted me to find between 10 to 20 Americans
who were loved and trusted throughout the United States, and to
get them to come in a group to Moscow. These influential Ameri-
cans could then see for themselves that the Russians truly wanted
peace. Vitaly insisted that the Reds were willing to make conces-
sions to such a delegation of Westerns. 'We do not want to talk to
your comedian progressives, ' he said, ' but to men who can go home
and convince the people of America that another World War is the
last thing the Kremlin wants ! ' I was to hear this plea a hundred
times from the lips of other Communist officials and spies. ' ' S3
Just as the constant program of exposure and vigilance caused the
Communist Party to give up its major front organizations and to re-
treat to its underground sanctuaries, so has the program of public
education and disclosure operated to shrink the supply of gullible
liberals who could be wheedled into unconsciously carrying on the
party's dirty work. It is not very difficult to distinguish between a
sincere and dedicated liberal and one who is consciously or uncon-
sciously imbued with the precepts of the class struggle and the Commu-
nist ideology to the point that they become almost a part of his sym-
pathetic nervous system. The true liberal is interested in resolving
conflicts, in fighting for advanced and really progressive reforms for the
benefit of humanity. The Communist tool, on the other hand, is con-
stantly striving to perpetuate the current party line, and instead of
82 Political Affairs, May, 195S, p. 61.
63 My Ten Years as a Counter-Spy, op. cit, pp. 142-113.
212 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
resolving- conflict and problems he seeks to keep the class struggle going
by complicating the old problems and creating new ones.
At least in California, there is encouraging evidence that liberals in
the true sense of that much-abused term, are beginning to heed the
phrase attributed to Vemelot, and which is so characteristic of totali-
tarian in general and Communists in particular: "When I am the I
weaker I demand liberty of you, because liberty is one of your prin-
ciples ; but when, one day, I am the stronger, I shall strip you of liberty
because stripping others of liberty is one of my principles. ' ' 84
There are other signs of encouragement in California, in this never-
ending battle against internal subversion. The committee has found dur- 1
ing the last three or four years a rapidly increasing interest on the part j
of students and faculty members alike in obtaining accurate and objec-
tive information not only on Communist ideology and revolutionary
history, but on practical problems on combating Communist subver-
sion. "VVe wish to particularly commend the Citizens for Political Free-
dom in Pasadena. Also the Women for America in Beverly Hills. The
Pasadena organization, under the leadership of Mrs. Virginia Cassil,
has just completed its third year as sponsor of a series of annual lec-
tures at Pasadena City College's extended day program, entitled "How
to Detect Communist Indoctrination." The popularity of this course
has increased every year, it is well attended by students and teachers
in addition to the public at large, and by arrangement with the State
Department of Education, institute credit is given to teachers who
attend all of the lectures. The lecturers are carefully selected, not only
for their ability as speakers and their qualifications as experts in their
respective fields, but because of their balance and stability in handling
controversial topics.
Women for America, the organization in Beverly Hills, recently com-
pleted an outstanding program under the aegis of the extended day
department of the Beverly Hills High School. This program, like the
ones held in Pasadena, comprises lectures by the best experts the
sponsors can obtain, each lecture running for approximately two hours
including a period for questions and answers from the audience. Mrs.
Morrie Ryskind and Mrs. Fred Bartman are to be congratulated on the
time and effort they have devoted to making this Beverly Hills pro-
gram an outstanding success.
The Fresno State College Chapter of Phi Gamma Mu, a scholarship
honor society of faculty members and students, also sponsored a lecture
on Communism in California in January of this year, and these pro-
grams are being duplicated by many schools throughout the state. We
also note that the press is carrying an ever-increasing amount of reliable
information concerning problems of internal Communist subversion,
which is replacing a great deal of unreliable and sensational material
that was being widely published a few years ago.
8i Letter from Prof. William Roetke to the International Association of Political
Science, 1958.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 213
Such patriotic organizations as the American Legion, the Daughters
of the American Revolution and the Los Angeles Chapter of the Ameri-
can Jewish League Against Communism have contributed greatly to
public understanding of these problems by sponsoring citizenship and
patriotism awards and holding programs that emphasize the necessity
of understanding the problems that we face from Communism, and by
encouraging the proper sort of educational programs on the widest
possible basis. It is, of course, impossible to mention all of the schools
and all of the patriotic organizations that are contributing to an educa-
tional program that will arm the public at large with the proper know-
ledge that will equip them to recognize these subtle subversive activities,
to know the party line, to identify the front organizations, and to help
in rendering completely ineffective the all-out Communist campaign
which is now being waged to undermine public confidence in our official
agencies.
THE INTIMIDATION OF VIRGINIA HEDGES
Virginia Hedges came to California from Terre Haute, Indiana, with
her mother and stepfather in August, 1947. They lived at 5154 Sunset
Boulevard, Hollywood, for about a year and a half, moved to La
Canada for 18 months, then returned to their former residence in
Hollywood. Shortly thereafter the mother and her husband separated,
and Virginia lived with her mother at 1308 West 109th Street in Los
Angeles for several years.
After graduating from high school, Virginia got a job with the tele-
phone company in Los Angeles and had a phone installed under her
own name — Virginia Hedges. This was in June, 1953.
For the purpose of clarifying a complicated set of circumstances, it
is necessary to bear in mind that the hearing at which Frank "Wilkinson
was examined occurred during the latter part of October, 1952. In con-
nection with the interrogation of Mr. Wilkinson we had received reports
from several former Communists who had attended closed party meet-
ings with him. These informants gave entirely separate and independent
statements, and no one of them was aware that any of the others were
cooperating with us. One of these informants was, by an amazing co-
incidence, named Virginia Hedges, although not related to and com-
pletely unknown by her namesake.
But this identity of names was only the first of a series of coinci-
dences. Our informant had once resided in the same general vicinity as
Virginia Hedges and her mother. And the latter bore a striking re-
semblance to our informant. Adding to this confusing situation was the
fact that our informant also had a telephone listed in her name —
Virginia Hedges, and when she moved her name was taken out of the
directory, only to be replaced shortly thereafter when her namesake
had her telephone installed. So, although there was only one Virginia
Hedges in the book, after June, 1953, it was actually the name of a
different person.
214 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
During the time that elapsed after we first questioned Mr. Wilkinson,
he devoted more and more of his time to Communist activities, partici-
pating in many front meetings, especially the newly formed Citizens
Committee to Preserve American Freedom. We received reliable in-
formation that he had also advised party members who had gone under-
ground concerning security precautions, and he was obviously given
an important assignment when he was sent east to assist the Emergency
Civil Liberties Committee correlate its campaign to liquidate federal
and state committees on un-American Activities and undermine the
reputation of the F. B. I.
We consequently decided to contact our informants to secure any
available information that might shed additional light on these develop-
ments. On January 23, 1958, a letter was accordingly directed to the
only Virginia Hedges listed in the Los Angeles telephone directory and,
of course, it was received by the informant's namesake.
Puzzled by the somewhat cryptic terms in which the letter was
written, Miss Hedges consulted the Los Angeles Field Office of the
F. B. I., described to them a series of experiences that had occurred to
her, and was advised to contact us. This she did in a note dated
January 28, 1958, and we then learned for the first time of the peculiar
circumstances we have already described.
Conferences with Miss Hedges disclosed that she had been mistaken
for our informant and subjected to a familiar harassment that com-
menced almost as soon as the telephone was listed under her name and
continued until she appeared before us as a witness on June 10, 1958.
We have described this technique of Communist intimidation by
telephone in previous reports. It is constantly used, now more than
ever since there are more defections from the party than previously,
to prevent former party members from cooperating with official agen-
cies. Even after having testified openly and fully, informants are
frequently subjected to this type of annoyance.
This final section of our report is being dictated on Saturday, April
4th. On the evening of March 5th, a representative of the committee
visited with Paul and Marion Miller, who acted as undercover agents
for the F. B. I. in the Communist Party. Mrs. Miller was active in
the Los Angeles Chapter of the Citizens Committee for the Protection
of the Foreign Born for five years, and then disclosed her experiences
to the fullest extent by testifying under oath. Since that time the
Millers have been subjected to precisely the same sort of telephone
annoyance that were described by Virginia Hedges. On the eve-
ning of March 5th, an anonymous telephone call was made to the
Miller home, and when one of their three children answered the tele-
phone he was subjected to a tirade of vicious and unprintable abuse
of his parents.
The Millers had expected to be subjected to this familiar pattern
because they had been warned that it would probably occur, and they
were more or less prepared for the barrage of false and defamatory
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 215
statements on mimeographed leaflets that were anonymously distributed
among their neighbors. But Virginia Hedges had never had any experi-
ence with any type of subversive groups, and was completely unpre-
pared for the long harassment to which she and her mother were
subjected.
She testified that her telephone would ring at 3 or 4 o'clock in the
morning and when she or her mother awakened and answered they
would hear someone breathing, then a click as the receiver was hung
up and the connection was broken. Then, after an hour or more, the
call would be repeated. This procedure continued for almost five years.
It seems rather odd that in cases where a former Communist has
already testified, it is usual practice to subject them to a tirade of
abuse during a short conversation before the connection is broken. But
when it is desired to intimidate a former member who is only suspected
of having given information, or whom the party wishes to prevent
from doing so, the calls are ordinarily without conversation, the re-
ceiver being hung up after an interval of a few minutes.
This practice is described in many books by former Communists
and by non-Communists whom the party seeks to scare into ceasing
their anti-Communist activities. An officer of the Commonwealth Club
of California was recently subjected to such calls for a period of many
months. Virtually all ex-Communists who have really broken from the
party have received this form of intimidation.
Finally, Virginia Hedges' mother noticed that she was being followed
when she left her home in the afternoon. She saw the same person
following her day after day, and finally complained to an attendant
at the service station she usually patronized and he told her that he
had also noticed she was being followed. Then came a call on January
24, 1958, that so unnerved the mother that she left California and
returned to her former home in Indiana. Her daughter described the
experience in a reply to the original letter intended for our informant,
and written in January, 1958 :
"Mr. Combs: In reference to the enclosed letter I'm sorry to
say there must be a mistake. I've never testified. You must have
the wrong address.
On the twenty-fourth my mother received a call for an uni-
dentified person who said 'Tell Virginia Hedges she is going to
get her throat cut.'
On Sunday there was a call from New York, too. I don't
know who it was.
I am the only Virginia Hedges listed in tin1 phone book. It
sounds like she is in trouble."
Questioned by the committee in June. 1958, Virginia Hedges de-
scribed the calls as follows :
Q. "When did this telephone call threatening to cu1 your throat
occur, and what time did your mother receive that call?
216 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
She answered the telephone, did she not?
A. Yes.
Q. What time of the day?
A. I am not sure.
Q. Was it a man or a woman ?
A. It was a woman.
Q. Was there any noticeable accent ?
A. She wasn't sure.
Q. She wasn't sure ?
A. No.
Q. During all of these times the telephone would ring early in
the morning, or any time during the two-year period, would you
endeavor to find out who was calling and whom they wanted, and
so on?
A. Well, several times I answered the phone and they would
ask for Virginia Hedges.
Q. Yes?
A. And I would say, 'This is Virginia Hedges.'
Q. Yes?
A. But, for some reason they wouldn't say anything else.
Q. They would just hang up?
A. Yes.
Q. You haven't had a bit of trouble since you wrote me this
note, have you?
A. No, sir.
Q. You don't know the other Virginia Hedges?
A. No.
Q. Virginia Hedges No. 1 ?
A. No.
Q. You have never had any connection with any Communist or-
ganization of any kind, have you?
A. No, sir.
Q. * * * Did you ever have any experience with telephone calls
of this type before in your entire life?
A. No.85
Shortly after having received the note from Miss Hedges, and after
having conferred with her at some length, representatives of the com-
mittee contacted the real informant who had moved several times and
had changed her occupation. A supplemental sworn statement was
taken from her, in which she described in detail the circumstances
under which she affiliated with the Communist Party, her attendance
at the Communist beginner 's classes for a period of approximately eight
months, the party textbooks and other material she was required to
study in order to prepare herself for active party membership, and
her assignment to a definite unit of the party.
88 Vol. 66, Committee Transcript, pp. 156-158.
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 217
The informant gave additional information concerning Mr. Wilkin-
;on and his identity as a Communist Party member, together with his
ictivities in the party unit to which he was assigned.
"We wish to make it clear that our informant, Virginia Hedges, has
io telephone, and has already given full and complete cooperation to
ill official agencies that have asked her to do so. In that connection she
estified as follows on June 5, 1958:
Q. Have you ever been solicited by any party member to reac-
tivate your activities and rejoin the party?
A. No, I have not.
Q. Have you ever had any threats, either directly or indirectly,
about disclosing the information you gained during your party
membership ?
A. No, I have not.
Q. It is a fact, is it not, Miss Hedges, that you have heretofore
given to this committee full and detailed information concerning
other people who were in the party with you, in addition to Frank
Wilkinson, and detailed information concerning your own activi-
ties while you were a party member?
A. That is correct.
Q. This is also true, is it not, that you flew to Sacramento several
years ago, at your own expense, for the purpose of conferring with
me about the general matters that are covered in this statement?
A. That is correct.
Q. And is it not also true that in addition to giving information
to this committee, that you voluntarily have given full and detail
information to federal agencies concerning your experiences during
all of the time you were a member of the Communist Party ?
A. That is correct.
Q. And it is also true, is it not, Miss Hedges, that you are giving
this testimony pursuant to a subpoena served upon you by me,
which subpoena is a continuing subpoena to remain in effect until
such time as you are excused from appearing before the committee?
A. That is correct.86
It is clear to the committee that the reason our informant was not
lothered after she had cooperated with us in 1952 was because the
ndividuals responsible for the anonymous telephone calls had been
onfused by the series of coincidences outlined above and had spent
lmost five years intimidating the wrong person. During the 18 years
iuring which the committee has been active, we have never experienced
tor heard of a case like this, and we include it in the report for the
•urpose of documenting still another example of the techniques that
re being used by the Communist Party in California.
Sworn statement executed by Virginia Hedges on June 5, 1958, taken by John B.
Hossack, Certified Shorthand Reporter, pursuant to the provisions of Senate Reso-
lution No. 132, adopted by the California State Senate, at the General Session of
the California State Legislature in 1957.
218 UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
The party had an excellent motive for endeavoring to frighten]
our informant so she would refuse to give information and thel
party was well aware of the fact that she did possess highly} i
damaging knowledge about the Communist activities and stature ofl]
Mr. Wilkinson, who became an exceedingly active and important Com-I
munist figure after he was discharged by the Los Angeles City Housing
Authority. There was utterly no reason whatever for the intimidation!!
of the Virginia Hedges who actually received these telephone calls,!
since she never had the slightest connection with any sort of Com-
munist organization, even an innocuous Communist front, and while!
to laymen this business of panting into a telephone then hanging upj
may seem somewhat melodramatic and silly, to people who have beenn
members of the Communist Party for a number of years and who|
never know when they go to bed at night whether or not they will!)
be awakened by the ominous ringing of their telephone at 3 or 4;
o'clock in the morning, the implied threat is clearly understood, andl
after several years the intimidation becomes extremely annoying.)
Since the calls are usually made from either a pay phone or from I
sources that are changed from time to time, and since the conversation,
or lack of conversation only continues for a minute or so, the calls
are virtually impossible to trace.
The official of the Commonwealth Club who was subjected to a period
of similar early morning calls, was not particularly bothered at first
because, having been extremely forthright in his anti-Communist j
activities, he had rather expected such occurrence. But he can testify
most convincingly concerning the nervous tension that is produced in
an individual who has been subjected to this technique for a period of
several months.
We should add at this point that the party 's attacks on former mem-
bers who are suspected of being possible sources of information to
anti-Communist agencies is incredibly vicious. The preservation of
secrecy concerning all of its activities and the concealment of the
identity of all its members is essential to the ..continued operation of
the party, and it will go to any length to destroy the credibility of
former members who presume to break through this elaborate screen
of security. We have had informants who, while still in the party,
were given the most responsible assignments, highly complimented for
the caliber of their Communist work, regarded as extremely dedicated
and capable comrades. The instant they defected and testified before
us, however, the party attempted to destroy their credibility by cir-
culating wild rumors of sexual perversion, mental instability, alco-
holism, and resorted to every trick and device for the purpose of
destroying their reputations.
This type of activity, as well as the espionage activities of the Com-
munist Party, are carefully insulated away from most of the intellec-
tual members of the party, who are usually convinced that the organ-
ization does not engage in this sort of thing. It is a source of never-
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA 219
ending astonishment to us that American citizens can be lured into
the Communist apparatus and indoctrinated to the point that they
will believe only the things that originate from Communist sources,
and soon come to distrust and disbelieve all statements issued by the
capitalist press which they regard as propaganda from the class enemy.
In conclusion the committee wishes to again state that Ave do not
believe it is now necessary to hold large-scale public hearings for the
purpose of exposing individual party members who have been in the
organization for a number of years. The indices of our various reports
have listed such people from the middle twenties down to the present
time, and we have learned from years of practical experience that
very little good is accomplished by issuing subpoenas for indoctrinated
party members, listening to them use the witness stand as a propa-
ganda medium, having them clutter up the expensive shorthand report
of the proceedings by monotonously invoking the Fifth Amendment
)ver and over again, and indeed, very little real good is accomplished
by prosecuting and convicting this type of witness for contempt. This
type of fanatic cannot be cured by a 30-day jail sentence. He is eager
;o suffer for the cause, he furnishes propaganda ammunition for the
party that regards him as a martyr, and he emerges from his cell as
i proletarian hero who is more eager and dedicated than before. To
parade a somewhat moth-eaten series of dedicated party members
■rough a hearing and afford them the facilities of radio and television
publicity while they castigate the committee has become in our view
argely a waste of time. In earlier years public hearings were necessary
—and are occasionally still necessary — for the purpose of exposing
Iront organizations. And 10 years ago it was necessary to hold a good
nany public hearings for the purpose of breaking through public
ipathy and exposing Communist schools, Communist publications, and
>pen party activities.
It is imperative that we obtain the cooperation of the utilities, the
various agencies and departments of State Government, the trade
■ions, and organizations of all types for the purpose of keeping
ibreast of Communist tactics and implementing the enforcement of
;he laws that have been enacted to cope with the situation.
We believe that the preventive aspect of the problem is now para-
nount, that the work of a committee cannot be gauged by the amount
)f publicity it receives, and that the most effective weapon against
nternal subversion is an informed Legislature and an enlightened
mblic.
I INDEX
For Reports of
1943, 1945, 1947, 1948, 1949, 1951, 1953, 1955,
1957, and 1959:
The Committee on Un-American Activities believes a
complete index of its reports will be of assistance for
those engaged in referencing work on the activities and ac-
complishments of hearings conducted by the committee from
its inception in 1943. This index identifies the person or
subject, followed by the year in which the report was pub-
lished, and the page number.
(221)
INDEX
A. C. L. U. — See American
Civil Liberties Union
A. F. L.-C. I. O.
1959—104, 107
A. F. of L. — See also Amer-
ican Federation of La-
bor
A. F. of L. Painters Union,
District Council No. 9
1959 94
A. F. of L. Painters Union,
National Executive
Board
1959 — 115
A. F. of L. Painters
1947 — 80
A. F. of L. Teachers Union
1947 — 113, 128
A. F. of L. Teachers Union,
Local 430
1947 — 136, 138, 139
A Guide to the Soviet Union
1951 — 152
A Man Called White
1957 — 106
A. P. Burns Bureau
1943 — 362, 365, 366, 368,
369, 373
A. P. Mason Bureau
1943 — 373
A. P. Roberts Bureau
1943—365, 373
Aaron, Dr. Harold
1948 — 328
Aarons, "Slim"
1948 — 183
Abascal, Salvador
1943 — 200
1945—197
Abbe, George
1949—486
Abbott, Bernice
1948 — 238
1949 — 480, 499
Abbott, Edith
1948 — 320
Abbott, Olive
1948 — 211
Abel, Dr. Martin
1953 — 241, 249
Abel, Alfred
1959 — 176
Abel, Col. Rudolf
1959 — 188
Aberdeen Proving Grounds
1959—175
Abern, Martin
1949 — 162
Abern v. Wallis
1949 — 248
Abolish Peonage Committee
1948 — 34, 93, 95
1949 — 267, 446
Abowitz, Eleanor Bogigian
(Mrs. Murray)
1951 — 255
1955—112, 315, 358
Abowitz, Ellenore
1947—54, 55, 70, 210, 241,
294, 298
1948 — 198, 239, 253, 254,
308, 309
1949—421, 435, 436
Abowitz, Dr. Murray
1947—70, 73, 238, 294
1948 — 279, 355
1949 — 421, 428, 433, 478
1951 — 268, 275, 280
1953 — 139
1955 — 86, 100, 105, 106,
107, 108, 109, 112,
114, 138, 208, 223,
267, 277, 287, 293,
295, 302, 303, 307,
308, 311, 312, 313,
315, 316, 317, 318,
320, 338, 351, 357,
360, 367, 370, 374,
387
1959 — 207, 208
Abraham Lincoln Branch of
the Communist Party
1948 — 215
Abraham Lincoln Brigade
(also Battalion)
1943 — 140
1948 — 35, 66, 93, 94, 96,
99, 100, 101, 125,
157, 185, 225, 254,
271, 295, 308, 382
1949 — 179, 267, 296, 370,
407, 452, 469, 501,
502, 548, 553, 555,
561
1951—100, 159, 160, 207,
236, 238, 239, 287
1955 — 95
1959 — 174, 176
Abraham Lincoln School
1948 — 95, 120, 342
1949 — 267
Abraham, Morris
1948 — 146
Abramowitz, Bessie
1948 — 242
1953 — 63
Abrams Case
1953 — 63
1957—1, 125
1959 — 15
Abrams, Philip
1957 — 45
Abrams, Sheldon
1959 — 37
Abrams v. U. S.
1953 — 180
Abramson Furniture Co.
1951—267
Abt, John
1959 — 172, 173, 175
Abt, John J.
1951—90, 272, 281
Abt, John W.
1948 — 343
Academic and Civil Rights
Committee
1948 — 35
1949 — 268
Academic and Civil Rights
Council of Calif.
1943 — 97
1947 — 103
1948 — 6, 136
1949 — 268
Academic Freedom
1959 — 52, 57, 60, 68, 70,
78
Academic Integrity and
Academic Freedom
1951 — 50
Academic Senate
1957—13
Academic Sinica
1957 — 129
Academy of Motion Picture
Arts and Sciences
1955—445
1959—116
Academy of Political and
Social Science
1949 — 493, 497
Academy of Science
1951 — 45
Academy of Sciences of the
U. S. S. R.
1949 — 497
Acheson, Dean
1949—492
Achron, Joseph
1948 — 311
Ackerman, Nena
1948 — 184
1949 — 561
Ackley, Charles B.
1949 — 449, 480, 489, 499,
507, 509, 512, 513,
521
Ackley, John Kenneth
1948—179
Action
1948 — 224
1949 — 381, 548
Action Bulletin
1948 — 49, 224
1949 — 381, 548
Action Committee to Free
Spain
1948 — 271
1949 — 268, 469
Action Conference on
Indonesia
1949—268
Action for Today
1948 — 224
1949 — 381, 548
Action Letters, The
1947 — 70, 299, 300
1949 — 421
Action Now
1949 — 381, 443
Actors' Equity
1948 — 315, 316
1951 — 83
1959 — 116
Actors' Laboratory
1947 — 72, 74, 191
1948—95, 97, 104, 105,
129, 159, 259, 348
1949 — 268
Actors Laboratory Theater
1948 — 52, 95, 96, 104-106,
347
1949 — 268, 315
1951 — 59, 60, 290
1955 — 437, 444, 445, 447
1959 — 137
Adamic, Louis
1948 — 109, 114, 131, 199,
200, 202, 216, 225,
239, 262, 273, 323,
327, 328, 351, 353,
390
(222)
223
teflamic, Louis — Continued
, 1949—414, 415, 449, 471,
480, 484, 489, 498,
502, 503, 505, 506,
509, 510, 512, 513,
516, 517, 520, 521,
522, 525, 528, 530,
531, 535, 548
1951 — 56, 60, 261, 271, 287
1953 — 131, 151
Wamic, N. J.
1949 — 548
Warns, Charles
; 1949 — 517
Warns, Dr. Charles
Christopher
1949 — 480, 499
Warns, Comfort A.
1948 — 271, 351
1949 — 468
Warns, Edward
1949—302
Warns, Franklin P.
1948 — 262, 330
Warns, Fred
1951 — 194
Warns, Dr. George P.
1948 — 216, 328, 351
1951 — 92
1953 — 175
Warns, Mrs. George P.
1948 — 216
Warns, James T.
1948 — 330
Warns, Prof. Josephine T.
1948 — 327
Warns, Lauretta
1943 — 87
Warns, Peter
1948 — 311, 312
Warns, Rev. Stacy
1949 — 480
Warns, Theodore F.
1948 — 320
Wdes, George F.
1948 — 201, 323
Wdis, Jean
1948 — 182, 184, 185
1949 — 560, 561
Wdis, Dr. Thomas
1947—88, 93, 103
1948—114, 132, 144, 163,
176, 182, 1S5, 201,
202, 248, 249, 328,
350, 352, 353, 35S,
377, 391, 392
1949 — 146, 425, 480, 489,
499, 502, 504, 505,
506, 507, 50S, 509,
510, 511, 512, 517,
518, 521, 522, 524,
526, 527, 528, 530,
531, 533, 560, 588
1951 — 56, 59, 60, 92, 94,
1953—171,' 172, 173, 176,
259, 260
Iddis, Mrs. Thomas
1948 — 216
Ldelman, Mrs. Marci
1948 — 146
Ldelman, Meyer
1948 — 163
1949—448, 449
Ldelson, Dr. David
1947—102, 103
1951 — 57, 64, 234
Ldhikari, G. M.
1953 — 230
idhunic, Bastak Bhander
1953—229
Idler, Clarence
1948—311
Adler, David
1948—330
Adler, Dr. Irving
1948 — 177, 344
1955 — 392
Adler, Mrs. Irving
1951—286
Adler, Jacob
1948 — 196
Adler, Jay
1948 — 355
Adler, Larry
1947—179, 189
194S — 210, 254, 355
1949 — 478, 543, 683
Adler, Luther
1948 — 96
Adler, Mollie
1948 — 278
Adler, Soloman
1959 — 172
Adler, Stella
1948 — 248, 277
1949—480, 499
Adoratsky, A.
1943 — 38
Adoratsky, V.
1949 — 191, 217
1951 — 152
Ad vance
1953 — 62
Advance Printing Co.
1951—280
Advertising and Public
Relations (Local 44)
1947 — 177
Advertising Association of
the West
1949 — 623, 673
Advertising Club of Los
Angeles
1943 — 103, 104
Aetna Life Insurance Co.
1955 — 405
Affidavit of Alex Harris
1948 — 300
Affidavit of Geo. W. Crosby
1948 — 292
Affidavit of Rena Vale
1948—311
Affidavit of Wm. D.
Handelsman
1948 — 282
African Blood Brotherhood
1948 — 333
1949 — 268, 279
After School Club
1943—300
After the Seizure of Power
1949 — 192
After Work Club
1943 — 3 00
Age of Reason
1953—177
Age of Treason
1948 — 106, 100
1949—3X1
Ager, Cecilia
1949 — 480, 499, 529, 530
Aggriott, Rev. Clarence B.
1959 — 185
Agins, Dr. Jack
1947 — 7 3
1948 — 171, 177
1951—286
1953 — 139
Agins, Dr. Jacob
1955 — 263, 264
Agins, Minna
L9 17—73
1948 — 178
Agitation and Propaganda
1943 — 120
Agit-Prop
1943 — 34
1949 — 180, 461
Agrarian Party
1949 — 118, 119
Agricultural, Packing and
Allied Workers of
America
1948 — 38
Aidlin, Joseph W.
1943 — 143
1945 — 139
1948—332
1949 — 542, 688
1951 — 255
Aidlin, Mary
1943 — 143
1947 — 238
1948 — 106, 160, 355
1949 — 688
AIMS (See Association of
Internes and Medical
Students)
AIMS at U.S.C.
1955 — 162
Aims of Spanish Communist
Party
1943 — 121
Ain, Gregory
1947 — 238
1949 — 480, 484, 499, 517,
688
1951 — 271, 280
1955 — 387, 390
Aircraft and Machinists Di-
vision of United Auto-
mobile Workers
1959 — 93
AKA Progressive German-
Americans of Chicago
1949—268
Akahoski, Ted
1943 — 337
AKED
1949 — 46
Akers, Robert
1951 — 229
Akerstein, Evelyn
1953 — 266
Akins, Jack
1947 — 152
Alabama Farmers Union
1959 — 94
Alameda Building Trades
Council
1947 — 80
Alameda County Communist
Party
1947 — 39, 41, 43, 44
1948 — 7, 11, 220
1951—50, 86, 169, 174, 178,
186, 187, 190, 192,
193, 197, 198, 205,
212, 216, 217, 224,
228, 231, 235, 243,
276
Alameda County Communist
Party, County Organ-
izer
1951 — 192, 206, 238
Alameda County Communist
Party, Educational Di-
rector
1951 — 217
Alameda County Communist
Party, Secretary
1951—235
Alameda County < Communist
Party, Special Section
1951-
■187, 200, 201, 202,
204, 205, 206, 207,
208, 209, 212, 213,
216, 217, 218, 219,
220, 221, 222, 223,
224, 226, 228, 231,
224
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Alameda County Commu-
nist Party, Special Sec-
tion— Continued
232, 234, 235, 238,
241, 242, 243
Alameda County Communist
Party, Special Section
Organizer
1951—206
Alameda County Congress
of Industrial Organiza-
tion Council
1951—37, 50, 51, 76, 79,
173, 175, 176, 185,
186, 192, 193, 194,
198, 201, 203, 207,
208, 212, 213, 236,
254
Alaska Fishermen's Union
19 47 — 92
Alba, Victor
1951—272
Albany Civil Rights Con-
gress
1949 — 446
Albert, Bessy
1948—179
Albert, Lillian
1951—267
Albert, Sam
1955—386
Albert, Samuel
1943 — 60
Alberts Case
1959 — 15, 198
Alberts, Doris
1948—311, 314, 317
Alberts, George
1959 — 131
Alberts, George W.
1943—150, 177, 178, 182
Alberts, Sam
1947—238
1948—311, 314, 317, 355
Albertson, William
1948—213
Albrier, Mrs. Frances
(Francis)
1948 — 194
1949 — 438
1953—284
Albritton, Clarence
1948—338
Alcalay, Helen
1947—73
Alderete, Nora
1949—438
Alert
1949 — 9, 614, 616, 631, 646,
651, 654
1955 — 106
Alesen, Dr. Lewis Albert
1955—85, 86, 87, 88, 89,
90, 91, 218
Alexander, Charlene
1959—42, 43
Alexander, Dr. Chauncey A.
1947 — 189
Alexander, Ed
1951 — 24
Alexander, Mrs. Elizabeth
1947 — 185
Alexander, George
1948 — 338
Alexander, Harmon
1947 — 185
Alexander, Dr. Herbert
1948 — 148, 310
Alexander, Hursel
1949 — 429, 432
1953 — 162, 253
Alexander, Leon
1947 — 74, 85, 89, 91
1949 — 425, 429, 431
Alexander, Mara
1947—89, 91
1948—185
1949—425
Alexander, Milnor
1955 — 318
Alexander, Raymond Pace
1949 — 449
Alexander, Robert
1947 — 238
1948 — 355
1949—480
1953 — 107, 108, 113
1955 — 319, 387
Alexander v. State
19 49 254
Alexander, Dr. Will H.
1948 — 199
Alexandrov
1953—235
Alexeev, Alex M.
1948—268, 374
1955 — 390
Algase, Benjamin
1948 — 271
1949 — 468
Algren, Nelson
1945 — 121, 126
1948 — 274
1949—472
Aliard, John
1943—137
1947 — 67
1948—63, 280
1949 — 419, 437, 470, 688
Alkaw, J. M.
1948 — 383
All-American Anti-
imperialistic League
1948 — 67, 106, 107, 143,
145, 188, 273
1949 — 174, 268
All-American Slav Congress
1949 — 413, 414
Allan Rudak Studio
1948 — 104
Allan, William
1948 — 233, 343
All-Calif. Conference for De-
fense of Civil Rights
and Aid to Labor's Pris-
oners
1948 — 107
1949—269
Allen
1957—116
Allen, Dr. Bennet M.
1948 — 171
Allen, Billy
1947—203
Allen, Rev. Carl
1948 — 106, 160, 161, 164,
358
Allen, Claude O.
1949—438
Allen, Fay
1943 — 137, 139, 195
1947 — 47, 67, 71, 96, 97,
129
1948 — 116, 183, 201, 328,
351, 375
1949 — 419, 422, 638
Allen, Harland
1948 — 323
1949 — 538
Allen, Dr. Harold B.
1948—185
Allen, Henry D.
1943 — 359
Allen, James Egert
1948 — 198
1949 — 449
Allen, James S.
1948 — 233, 343
1949 — 189, 621, 626
1957 — 106
1951—153
Allen, James T.
1948 — 15
Allen, Oliver S.
1949 — 480, 489
Allen, Dr. Raymond
1959 — 54
Allen, Dr. Raymond B.
1953 — 201, 202, 204, 206
1957 — 5, 6, 8, 9, 16, 18,
27, 30, 31, 32
Allen, Sam Houston
1955 — 309, 360
Allen, Shannon C.
1948 — 248
Allen, Ted
1948—226
Allen, Warren O.
1947 — 47, 67, 71, 96, 97,
129
1948—317
Allen, William
1948—164, 332, 340
1949 — 542, 547, 638
1951 — 267
1953 — 103
Aller, Elsa
1948 — 179
Alley, Raymond
1948—338
All-Harlem Youth
Conference
1948 — 75
1949 — 269
Alliance, The
1953 — 23
Alliance of Certain Racke-
teer and Communist
Dominated Unions h
the Field of Transpor-
tation
1959—109
Alliance of Social Revolu-
tionaries
1953—22
Allied Labor News
1948 — 168, 181, 280
Allied Labor News Service
1948 — 49, 224
1949 — 269, 381, 460, 461
Allied Printing Trades
Council
1947—80
Allied Voters Against
Coudert
1948—38, 96, 146
1949—269
Allied War Relief Rally
1948 — 216
All-India Kisan Sabha
1953—231
All-India National Congress
1953 — 214, 215
All-India Trade Union
Congress
1953 — 225, 226, 230, 231,
233, 242
Allis-Chalmers
1949—440
Allison, Elmer T.
1948—243
Allison, Tempe
1947 — 89
1949 — 425
Allister, Mona
1948 — 355
Allister, Wm.
1948—355
All-Slav Congress
1949 413
All-Union Society for Cul-
tural Relations With
Foreigners
1948—107, 383
1949 — 269
Allsberg, Dr. Martin
1959 — 125
225
Almanac Singers
1949 — 270, 542, 543
Almazoff, Samuel
1949 — 464
Almeida, Joseph
1947—155
Almenana, Anacleto
1948—273
Almond, Gabriel
1957 — 85, 100
Alpenfels, Prof. Ethel J.
1949 — 480
Alper, Joseph
1948 — 338
Alper, Rabbi Michael
1948 — 152, 211, 271, 328,
351, 377, 392
1949—468
Alpi, Maurio
1949 — 173
Alsberg, Henry G.
1943 — 139
Alsberge, Dr. Marden A.
1955 — 101, 105, 109, 113,
116, 127, 367, 368,
369, 370, 371, 372,
373, 374, 375, 376,
377
Alshuler, Walter
1948—179
Alswang, Ralph
1949 — 480, 535
Altgeld Club No. 1
1953—106, 107, 111
Altman, Dave
1951—230
Altman, George
1948—221
1951 — 267
Altman, Mischa
1943—60, 85
1947 — 261
1948 — 311, 314, 317
1949 — 688
Altrocchi, Rudolph
1943—284, 293, 294
Aluminum Workers
1959 — 94
Alvarez, Ida, Mrs.
1955—390
Alvarez, Larry
1955—390
Alvarez-Tostado, C.
1959 — 185
Alves, Bertram
1948 — 198, 318
Aly Betrayed
1949 — 654
Amalgamated Clothing
Workers
1959—103
Amalgamated Clothing
Workers, Local 42
1947 — 92
1948—243
Amalgamated Clothing
Workers Union
1953—61, 62
Amalgamated Lithogra-
phers of America,
Local 17
1947 — 92
Amar, Singh
1953 — 218
Amar, Singh
(different man)
1953 — 218
Ambellan, Harold
1948 — 189
Amerasia
1948 — 224
1949—381, 546
1959—191-192
America Declares Peace
1948—257
8 — L-4361
America First Committee
1943 — 254, 273, 274
1949—89, 90
America for Americans
1943 — 280
American Artists and Writ-
ers Committee Med-
ical Bureau, American
Friends of Spanish De-
mocracy
1949—510
American Artists Congress
1947 — 82
1948—35
1949 — 270, 454
American Artists Group
1949 — 467
American Artists School
1949 — 452
American Artists Union
1943 — 129, 130
American Association for
Reconstruction in
Yugoslavia
1949—270, 467
American Association of
Scientific Workers
1948 — 318
1949 — 270
American Association of
University Professors
1951 — 99, 100
1955 — 390
1957—59
1959 — 75
American Authors'
Authority
1947 — 286, 287
1948 — 138, 189
American Bar Association
1951—262
1955 — 142, 143, 144
1959—126, 188, 191, 196,
201, 202
American Bar Association
Board of Governors
1959 — 202
American Bar Association
House of Delegates
1955—143
1959 — 196, 197, 202
American Bar Association,
President
1951 — 67
American Board of Exam-
iners in Professional
Psychology
1957—17
American Birobidjan Com-
mittee (Ambidjan)
1949 — 270, 533
American Birobidjan Com-
mittee, Southern Calif.
Division
1951 — 267
American Board of In-
ternal Medicine
1955 — 210
American Board of
Pediatrics
1955 — 151
American Building
Maintenance Co.
1947 — 93
American Caravan, The
1948—254
American Civil Liberties
Union
1943 — 92
1948—5, 6, 107, 112, 179,
246, 319, 349, 353
1949 — 270, 445, 447, 518,
576, 613
1951—41, 260
1955 — 349, 455
1957 — 59, 70, 71, 100, 104,
112
1959—59, 83, 124, 127,
135, 144, 145, 146
American Civil Liberties
Union, Los Angeles
Chapter
1959 — 144, 146
American Civil Liberties
Union, Northern
California
1959—80, 204
American Civil Liberties
Union, Southern Calif.
Chapter
1951—260
American Civil Liberties
Union, Southern
California
1959 — 145
American Civil Liberties
Union-News
1948 — 111
American Coalition of Patri-
otic, Civic, and Frater-
nal Societies
1948 — 325
American College of
Physicians
1947—72
American Committee for a
Democratic Greece
1949—455
American Committee for a
Free Indonesia
1947—56
1948 — 112, 113, 225
1949 — 270, 271, 389, 549
American Committee for
Anti-Nazi German Sea-
men
1948 — 365
American Committee for
Anti-Nazi Literature
1948—334
1949 — 270
1953 — 176
American Committee for
Democracy and Intel-
lectual Freedom
1947 — 202
1948 — 61, 96, 112, 319, 320,
335 342
1949— 27L 452, 453, 454,
502
1951—92
1953—175, 280
1955 — 88
American Committee for
Democracy and Intel-
lectual Freedom to Dis-
continue the Dies Com-
mittee
1948 — 391
American Committee for
European Workers' Re-
lief
1949—271
American Committee for
Free Yugoslavia, The
1948 — 66
1949—127, 271
American Committee for
Friendship With the
Soviet Union
1948—38, 324
1949—271, 533
American Committee for
Indonesian Independ-
ence
1948—112, 113
1949 — 271
American Committee for a
Korean People's Party
1948 — 112
1949—270
226
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
American Committee for
Protection of the For-
eign Born
1947 — 45, 202, 219
1948 — 75, 96, 113, 114, 115,
122, 168, 319, 321,
334, 335, 336, 350,
365, 381, 390
1949 — 271, 280, 337, 450,
451, 455, 466, 502,
517, 522, 547, 551,
635
1951 — 92, 280
1953 — 176, 279
American Committee for
Russian Famine Relief
1948—114
1949—272
American Committee for
Spanish Freedom
1948—100, 102, 115, 116,
125, 139, 148
1949 — 272, 468
American Committee for
Struggle Against War
1948 — 67, 150, 324, 334
1949—272, 377
American Committee for
the Defense of Trotsky
1948 — 156, 189
American Committee for
Yugoslav Relief
1948—125, 126, 131, 132,
218
1949 — 127, 273
1951 — 59
American Committee in Aid
of Chinese Industrial
Cooperatives
1951 — 280
1953—247
American Committee of
Jewish Writers, Artists
and Scientists
1947—45
1948 — 103, 129, 130
1949—273
American Committee of Lib-
erals for the Freedom
of Mooney and Billings
1948 — 61
1949—273
American Committee to Aid
Korean Federation of
Trade Unions
1948 — 112
1949 — 273
American Committee to Aid
Soviet Russia
1948 — 141
1949 — 273
American Committee to An-
swer Attack on Public
Education
1953 — 176
American Committee to Save
Refugees
1947—45
1948 — 75, 141, 166, 175,
234, 270, 335, 368,
381
1949—273, 308, 324, 366,
468, 551
1951—92, 235
1953 — 171, 280
1955 — 88
American Communication
Assn. (CIO)
1943—141
1947—72,163, 210
1948—141, 212, 339, 383
1949 — 475
1953—63
1955—417, 418
1959—41, 93, 99, 103, 104
American Communicatio7i
Assn., C.I.O. v. Douds
1955 — 61, 64
American Communication
Assn., Local 3 and 9
1947 — 90, 92
American Communism
1949—653
American Communism, a
Critical Analysis of Its
Origins, Development
and Programs
1959 — 27
American Communist Party
— see Communist Party
American Congress for
Peace and Democracy
1948—67
1949 — 273, 293
1953 — 171
American Congress to Free
Earl Browder
1947 — 202
1949 — 274
American Continental Con-
gress of Peace
1955—182
American Continental Con-
gress for World Peace
1951—272, 273, 274
1953 — 247
American Continental Con-
gress for World Peace,
Chief Organizer
1951 — 272
American Council for Dem-
ocratic Greece
1949—109, 274, 313, 454,
502
1951—280
American Council for
Soviet Relations
1951 — 235
American Council Institute
for Pacific Relations
1948—168
American Council on Soviet
Relations
1947 — 202, 210
1948 — 35, 38, 65, 101, 115,
169, 176, 334, 357,
366
1949—274, 412, 453, 532
American Croatian
Congress
1948—66, 75
1949 — 274, 551
American Crusade to End
Lynching
1948 — 136
American Discount Co. v.
Wycroff
1949—255
American Embassy in Bel-
grade, Yugoslavia
1948 — 140
American Farm Bureau
Federation
1959—188, 197
American Federated Russian
Famine Relief Commit-
1948 — 141, 169
1949 — 274, 412
American Federation for
Political Unity
1949 — 274
American Federation of
Govern. Employees
1943 — 130, 134, 137
1948 — 379, 3S0, 381
1953—130
American Federation of
Labor (A. F. of L.)
1943 — 88
1947 — 4, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54,
70, 79, 87, 104, 161,
169, 170, 172, 175-
177, 188, 192, 229,
230, 260, 369, 370
1948—36, 37, 39, 41-43,
60, 70, 88, 116, 120,
223, 347, 379
1949—90, 109, 264, 275,
277, 364, 443, 472,
473, 475, 542, 551,
623, 631, 632, 647,
648, 705, 706
1951 — 41, 83, 205
1953 — 52, 59, 67, 125, 127,
130, 131, 140, 142,
148
1955 — 399, 424, 427, 431
1957 — 152
1959—23, 24, 29, 33, 37,
52, 89, 90, 93, 94
American Federation of
Labor Council
1953 — 62
American Federation of
Labor Press Association
1949—623
American Federation of
Labor Social Workers
1948 — 382
American Federation of
Labor Trade Union
Committee for Unem-
ployment Insurance and
Relief
1949—275
American Federation of
Musicians
1947—67, 177, 260
1948 — 311-315, 362
1949 — 419
American Federation of
Polish Jews
1955 — 388
American Federation of
Radio Artists
1947 — 194
1948—216
American Federation of
State, County and Mu-
nicipal Employees AFL
55
1948—55
American Federation of
Teachers
1943—115, 135
1948 — 280, 320
1953—145, 146, 165
1959 — 99
American Federation of
Teachers, Local 1021
1955 — 424
American Flag
1943 — 229
American Friends of Asia
1949 — 276
American Friends of
Czechoslovakia
194S — 145
1949—275
American Friends of Soviet
Russia
1953—58
American Friends of
Spanish Democracy
194S— 66, 147, 191, 319,
324, 335, 336
1949—275, 454, 510
1953—171
1955—88
INDEX
227
American Friends of the
Chinese People
1947—45, 191, 313
1948 — 35, 66, 142-144, 211,
335
1949—275, 371, 452, 454
1951—238
American Friends of the
Mexican People
1948—35
1949 — 276
American Friends of the
Soviet Union
1949 — 276
American Friends of the
Spanish People
1948—35
1949—276
American Friends Service
Committee
1953—250
American Fund for Public
Service
1948 — 145, 247, 336
1949—276, 308, 312, 369,
395, 396, 460
American Gallery Films
1948 — 373
American Guard
1943 — 259
American Heart Associa-
tion
1955—210
American Hungarian
Woman's Circle
1951 — 267
American Institute of
Pacific Relations
1949—694
American Institute of
Public Opinion
1949 — 661, 665
American Investors Union
1948—334
1949 — 276
American Jewish Committee
1948—146
1949 — 694, 695
American Jewish Congress
1948—145, 146, 149, 221
31 S, 355
1949—277, 695
1951 — 57, 265
American Jewish Labor
Council
1949—277, 438, 647, 648
American Jewish League
Against Communism
1949—277, 647, 648
1959 — 213
American Journal of '
Medicine
1955—221
American Journal of
Physiology
1955—221
American Labor Alliance
1949 — 158, 277
American Labor Committee
Against War
1947 — 202
1949 — 277
American Labor Movement
1943—76
American Labor Party
1948 — 41, 339
1949—277, 352, 449, 450,
503, 508
American Leasue Against
War and Fascism
1943—93
1947—219,314
1948—35, 98, 106, 124, 128,
149, 150, 176, 180,
196, 223, 320, 324,
333-336, 366
1949—147, 277, 278, 2S6,
346, 368, 387, 454,
487, 488
1951 — 275
1953—161, 174,
1955—420
1959 — 140
American League for
Ex-Servicemen
1949—279
American League for Peace
and Democracy
1943 — 135
1947—202, 209
1948—6, 33, 35, 67, 96,
141, 142, 147, 149,
150-154, 180, 181,
196, 246, 267, 319,
327, 334, 335, 342,
366, 377
1949—147, 273, 278, 279,
289, 294, 299, 307,
334, 339, 342, 350,
354, 362, 372, 387,
452, 453, 454, 455,
461, 464, 488, 656
1951—59, 275
1953 — 104, 172
1959 — 112, 140
American League of
Christian Women
1943—259, 260
American League of Ex-
Servicemen
1949—374
American League of
Writers' School
1949—421
American Legion
1943—7, 99
1945—6, 5S
1947 — 5, 34, 229, 230, 293
1948 — 16-19. 41-43, 127,
171, 246, 384
1949—637, 650, 652, 657,
670, 675
1951 — 101, 254, 268
1959—130, 167, 201, 210,
213
American Le? ion Auxiliary
1948—15-19
American Legion Book
Service
1949 — 654
American Legion Magazine
1947 — 214
1949 — 652
1951— 282
1955 — 43
American Medical Associa-
tion (A.M. A.)
1943 — 104
1953 — 139
1953 — 74, 75, 107, 128,
129, 130, 133, 210,
215, 217, 218, 219,
220, 376
American Medical Associa-
tion, House of Dele-
gates
1955—126, 129
American Mercury
1947—81
1948—104-360
1953—200
1959 — 157, 183
American Negro Labor
Congress
1948 — 333
1949 — 174, 279
1957—119
American Newspaper Guild
1945 — 117
1949 — 451
1959 — 93, 94, 98, 99
American Opinion
1959—19
American Peace Crusade
1943—93
1947—170
1948—67, 106, 133, 154,
155, 160, 161, 165,
250, 319
1949—147, 280, 288, 3S1,
617
1953 — 247
1955—175, 343
American Peace
Mobilization
1943 — 96
1947 — 20, 69, SI, 83, 170,
202, 210, 219, 267
1948—33, G7, 93, 96, 104,
124, 133, 137, 141,
150, 154, 155, 160-
165, 169, 211, 250,
251, 257, 275, 321,
332, 340, 342, 351,
367, 377, 379, 380
1949 — 89, 90, 147, 280,
281, 284, 292, 296,
343, 364, 371, 412,
420, 448, 451, 452,
453, 454, 455, 466,
488, 541, 542, 617
1951 — 275, 276
1953—67
1959 — 137, 139, 140
American Peace Mobiliza-
tion Conference
1948 — 115
American People's Fund
1948 — 168, 376
1949— 2S0, 295, 303, 308,
338, 359
American People's Meeting
1948—165
1949 — 281
American People's
Mobilization
1948 — 150
1949 — 281
American Personnel and
Guidance Association
1957 — 17
American Physiological
Society
1955—221
American Polish Labor
Council
1949 — 124, 281
American Polish Society
1955 — 10
American Presbyterian
Hospital
1955 — US
"Ann rican Professor"
1959—102
American Progressive Party
1949—486
American Progressives
1949 — 527
American Progressives De-
fending the Moscow
Trials
1948 — 123, 176, 365
American Pro-Japanese
Organizations
1945—62
American Psychological
Association
1957 — 17
American Pushkin Com-
mittee
1948—320, 335
1949—281
228
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
American Quarterly on the
Soviet Union
1948 — 169, 224
1949—382
American Red Cross
1948—357
American Relief for Greek
Democracy
1948—168, 169
1949 — 281
American Relief Ship to
Spain
1947 — 210
1948—335
1949—281
American Rescue Ship
Committee
1948 — 270, 350
American Rescue Ship
Mission
1949—282, 468
American Review of Soviet
Medicine
1949 — 532
American Review on the
Soviet Union
1948—169
1949 — 382, 412, 466
American Revolutionary
Writers' Congress
1948—196
American Round Table on
India
1948—336, 353
1949 — 282
1953 — 173
American-Russian Corpora-
tion
1949 — 543
American-Russian Council
1948 — 327
American-Russian Cultural
Exchange
1951—57, 59
American-Russian Fra-
ternal Society
1949 — 466
American-Russian
Institute
1947 — 88, 89, 103
1948 — 38, 65, 101, 123,
168-172, 176-178,
217, 218, 225, 237,
261, 325-327, 353
1949—280, 382, 402, 412,
460, 466, 532, 539,
540
1951—130, 133, 142, 153,
258, 286, 289
1953 — 1, 247, 263, 264,
265, 266, 269, 270,
272, 274, 277, 281,
1955—185
1957—133
1959 — 48, 128, 132, 137,
144
American-Russian Institute
for Cultural Relations
With Russia
1948 — 246, 334
1949 — 282, 412
American-Russian Institute
for Cultural Relations
With the Soviet Union
1953—272
American-Russian Institute
of Los Angeles
1953—272
American-Russian Institute
of New York
1949—282
American-Russian Institute
of Philadelphia
1949—282
American-Russian Institute
of San Francisco
1949—282, 547
1953—265, 268, 273, 276
1959 — 40
American-Russian Institute
of Southern California
1949—282
American-Russian Institute
Peace Committee
1953—268
American-Russian Music
Corporation
1949—282
American-Russian Music
Publishers
1949—533
American-Russian-Ukrain-
ian Fraternal Home
1955—389
American-Slav Congress
1949 — 124, 127, 282, 401,
414, 461, 551
1951 — 280, 283
1955—43
American Social Democrats
1949 — 692
American Socialist Labor
Party
1949—172
American Societv for Cul-
tural Relations With
Russia
1949—283
1953—172
American Society for Rus-
sian Relief
1949—532
American Society for Tech-
nical Aid to Spain
1947 — 313
1948 — 367
American Society for Tech-
nical Aid to Spanish
Democracy
1949 — 283
American-Soviet Friendship
Rallv
1949—533
American-Soviet Medical
Society
1949—421
1959 — 208
American-Soviet Music
Society
1948—323, 392
1949—283, 532, 538
American-Soviet Science
Society
1948—323
1949—283, 533, 53S
American Student Union
1943 — 115
1947 — 81, 116
1948—5, 33, 115, 159, 178,
179, 182, 196, 335,
336, 338, 341, 377
1949—90, 91, 147, 283,
343, 368, 403, 454,
455, 542, 560
1951—9, 10, 19, 37, 78
1953 — 101,135
1955 — 420
American Technical Aid
Society
1949—284
American Trade Unionism,
Principles and Organi-
sations, Strategy and
Tactics
1959—91
American Trust Company,
Grand Avenue Branch
1953 — 265
American Unitarian Church
1951—153
American Veterans Com-
mittee
1947 — 196, 228, 230, 231,
247
1949—437
1951—25, 101
American Veterans of
World War II
1947 — 231
American Women for Peace
1955 — 392
American "Writers Assn.
1947 — 286
American Writers Congress
1945—120, 124, 127, 128,
134
1948—35, 38, 52
1949—284
American Writers' School
1947—70
American AVriters Union
1943 — 128, 129, 130
1959 — 137
American Youth Congress
1 94 3 gg
1948—54, 115, 148, 162,
179, 180-182, 185,
195, 334, 342, 383
1949 — 147, 284, 285, 408,
452-455, 542, 560,
562
1951 — 9, 10, 11
1953 — 135, 140, 174, 176,
1955 — 420
1959 — 20, 130
American Youth for a Free
World
1949 — 285, 378
American Youth for
Democracy
1947 — 21, 24, 28, 37, 39,
47, 60, 61, 71, 72,
75, 82, 95, 96, 97,
100, 103, 119, 180,
187, 188, 189, 190,
191, 198, 199, 202,
228, 230, 245, 246,
247, 249, 252, 253,
254, 259, 260, 267,
269, 278, 306, 313,
369
1948—35, 38, 47, 48, 54,
60, 62, 63, 102, 116,
130, 134, 136, 137,
143, 147, 149, 182-
190, 203, 224, 225,
252, 253, 277, 280,
281, 309, 31S, 334,
339, 340, 370, 379
1949 — 285, 288, 290, 311,
343, 361, 366, 377,
379, 380, 382, 387,
403, 404, 410, 422,
449, 450, 454, 455,
467, 470, 472, 542,
543, 546, 547, 558,
560, 561, 562, 563,
610, 678, 705
1951—13, 15, 19, 25, 26,
31, 32, 33, 35, 57,
63, 111, 265
1953 — 70, 91, 97, 99, 102,
118, 120, 126, 135,
195, 245, 255, 258,
260, 272, 280
1955—4, 173, 203, 239,
406, 409, 420, 437,
439, 440, 453
1957 — 5, 21
1959—84, 114, 137
American Youth for Democ-
racy, Executive
Secretary
1951—25, 31
229
American Youth for Democ-
racy, Northern
California
1953—259
Americanism Commission of
the American Legion
1951 — 3
Americanism Educational
League
1948 — 17
Americanism of Mr.
Mudgett
1948 — 342
Americans in the U. S. S. R.
1953 — 273
America's Tenth Man
1948 — 369
Amerikadentscher, Volks-
bund
1943—229
Ameringer, Oscar
1948—163
Ames, John
1948 — 196
Ames, Walter M., Jr.
1947—117
Ami, Jacob Ben
1948—114
Amlie, Thomas R.
1948 — 181, 244
Ammons, Forrest
1948 — 220
Among Friends
1948 — 49, 224
1949—382, 546
Amster, Lou
1943—154
Amsterdam World Congress
Against War
1948 — 149, 150
1949 — 377
Amter, Israel
1947 — 12
1948 — 151, 176, 336
1949 — 157, 177-179, 453,
454, 520
1951 — 260
1953 — 174
Amtorg Trading Corp.
1949 — 678
1951 — 180
Amvets
1948 — 16-19, 43
An Armed People Oppose
Armed Counter-Revo-
lution
1953—240
An Evening for the Lab
1948—159
An Open Letter to American
People
1948 — 136
An Outline of Russian
Literature
1949 — 539
Analysis of the lath Annual
Convention of the Com-
munist Party of the
United States
1959—43
Anang, George K.
1947 — 56
1948—113
Anchor Club
1948 — 15, 18, 19
Ancient Egyptian Order of
Sciots
1948 — 17, 18
Andersen, George
1959 — 124
Anderson, Bruce
1948 — 215
Anderson, Charles
1948—185
Anderson, Clinton H.
1951—244, 245, 246, 247,
248, 250, 252, 254,
256
Anderson, David L.
1948 — 15
Anderson, Dolores
1948 — 185
Anderson, George
1943 — 186
1947 — 89, 149, 189
1948 — 215, 265, 266, 299,
332, 358
1949 — 425, 542, 6SS
Anderson, George R.
1953 — 175
1959—132-133
Anderson, Rev. J. Raymond
1948 — 203
Anderson, Kurt
1949 — 480
Anderson, Martin
1947 — 50
Anderson, Maxwell
1948—260, 323, 330
1953—131
Anderson, Ray
1945 — 20
1948—94
1949 — 554
Anderson, Sherwood
1948 — 151, 199, 270, 310,
338
1953—151
Anderson, Mrs. Sherwood
1948 — 227, 278
1949 — 456
Anderson, William A.
1949 — 449
Anderson-Berney Bldg. Co.
v. Lowry
1949 — 256
Andre, Carole
1953—94, 95, 96, 97, 98,
106, 107, 108, 112,
113, 114, 115, 116,
1955—454
Andrews, Robert
1948 — 251, 254
Andriano, Sylvester
1943 — 284, 291, 292, 297,
300, 301, 303, 306,
307, 309, 310, 318,
319
Angell, Ernest
1948—109
Angell, Phillip
1951—232
Angeloff, Sylvia
1953—40
Anglo-American Institute
1953 — 271
Annand, Jack
1947 — 50
Annone, Pauline
1948 — 186
1949—562, 563
Anshen, Eleanor
1947 — 94
Anshen, Robert
1947 — 91, 94
Antenine, William
1948 — 287
Antheil, George
1948—254, 311, 317
1949—480, 489, 499, 513,
523, 526, 688
Anthony, Earle E.
1947 — 181, 182
Anthony, Robenia
1949—480, 489, 499, 504,
512, 517
Anthony, II, Susan B.
1948 — 201, 228-230
1949 — 457, 458
Anti-American Agitation
1949—174
An ti- Axis Committee
1943 — 345
An ti- Communist Federation
1943 — 259
Anti-Communist Northwest
Military Council
1948 — 144
Anti-Defamation League
1943 — 7
1945 — 6
1947—5
Anti-Duhring
1949—190, 191
Anti-Duhring Revolution,
The
1951—153
Anti-Fascist Alliance of
North America
1949 — 174
Anti-Fascist Refuge
Committee
1951—40, 234
Anti-Hearst Examiner
1943 — 119
Anti-Imperialist League
1949 — 461
1959—137
Anti-Imperialist War Line
1949 — 136, 137, 138, 460,
461, 468, 472, 542,
544, 553, 563
Anti-Nazi League
1943 — 42
1948 — 33
1949 — S8
1955 — 456, 457
1959—137
Anti-N azi News
1948—188, 250, 341
1949 — 382, 396, 397
Anti-Nazi Student Congress
1959 — 45
Antioch College
1948—325
1949 — 539
Anti-R.O.T.C. Committee
1943 — 98
1959 — 130
Anti-Semitic Policy
1943 — 248
Anti-Semitism
1943—247, 248, 253, 284
Antiseptic Squad
1943—65
Anti-War Committee
1943—98
1959 — 130
Antolish v. Paul
1949 — 247
Antonini, Linzi
1948 — 181, 327
Antonofskv, George
1948—338
Antonyerk, Nina
1948—171
Anvil
1957 — 65, 67, 69
Apenfels, Ethel J.
1953 — 285
Appeal for Laurence
Simpson
1948—335
1949 — 286
Appeal to Lift Spanish
Embargo
1949—507, 510
Appeals of Communism, The
19T.7— S5, 100
Appel, Charlotte
1955 — 423
Applebaum, Julius
1959—202
230
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Appelman, Dr. David
1948 — 170, 171, 241
1949—422, 688
Appleman, Ruth
1948—227
1953 — 131
Appleton, David
1947—71, 95, 257
Appleton, William
1951—229
Apresian, Mr. Stephan
194S— 171
April Conference
1949 — 192
Aptheker, Herbert
1949 — 4S0,
501,
516,
489, 499
508, 513
520, 522, 529
536, 537
272, 278
519
530
1951 — 271
1957—11
1959—185
Arbeiter Der
1949 — 382
Arbelaez, Enrique P.
1951 — 273
Aragan, Louis
1947 — 106
Aratania, Shigemi
1943 — 337
Archer, Corliss
1955 — 447
Archer, Frank
1948 — 338
Architectural Environment
of Modern Culture
194S— 311
Archives of Internal
Medicine
1955 — 221
Arden, Betty
1943 — 130, 135
Arderino, Madeleine L.
1948— 1S1
Ardrey, Robert
1948 — 211
Arens, Mr.
1953 — 142
Areson, Clinton
1948—375
Arjan, Singh
1953—219
Ark a to v, James
1955—386
Arkin and Weissman
1955—409
Arkin, Sandy
1955—391
Arlen, Harold
1948—317
Arlington Heights School
1953—271
Arlt, Gustane
1945—116
Armacost. George H.
1953 — 133
Armenian Progressive
League
1955—390
Armenian Progressive
League of America
1949—286
Armenta, Isidore
1947—96
Armenta, Jesse
1943 — 210, 217
Armenza, Jessie
1945 — 182
Arms, John Taylor
1948—323, 330
Armstrong
1953 — 206
Armstrong, Arnold B.
1945 — 121
Armstrong, Henry
1947 — 96
1948 — 185, 186
1949 — 562
Armstrong, Margaret
1948—277
Army Air Corps
1939 — 175
Army Signal Corps
1959 — 175
Arnaud, Leon
1948 — 311
Arnautoff, Victor
1947—88, 91
1948 — 216
Arndt, Elmer J. F.
1949 — 449
Arndt, Mrs. W. B.
1948 — 15
Arnold, Emil
194S — 266
Arnold, John
1948—119
Aron, Burno
1949 — 480
Aron, Wellesley
1948 — 146
Aronberg. Philip
1949—178
Aronson, James
1949 — 480, 499
Art Committee
1948—323
Art Is A Weapon
1947 — 92. 106
Art Young Branch of the
Communist Party
1948—215
Artef
1948—188
1949 — 286
Artef Theatre
1948—188
Artford, Kenneth
1947 — 72
Arthur, Art
1948—372
1955 — 441, 442, 446
Arthur. Chester A., Jr.
1948—266
Arthur, Jean
1948 — 254
Articles on India
1953—224
Artists and Writers Guild
1949—286
Artists Committee to Win
the War
Artists Fight Back
1948—139, 140
Artists Front to Win the
War
1947 — 191
194S— 52. 97, 98, 99, 124,
136, 188, 192, 367
1949 — 286
1951—58. 60
1953 — 2S0
Artists, Sciences and Pro-
fessions Council
1953 — 97
Artists Union
1949—354
1959 — 94
Artman, Florence
1943—136
Arts Advisory Council
1947 — 94
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions Council
1949—316, 476, 477, 478,
517
1951—59, 271, 277, 289
1953 — 1, 107, 119, 120,
267, 277, 2S0
1955—91, 96, 97, 99, 106,
109, 135, 161, 166,
168, 176, 182, 185,
18S, 203, 231, 235,
236, 23S, 247, 248,
249, 260, 261, 292,
293, 294, 295, 296,
297, 303, 305, 310,
311, 313, 316, 320,
322, 332, 336, 339,
340, 341, 342, 343,
344, 345, 348, 350,
351, 354, 358, 359,
361, 362, 363, 364,
366, 373, 384, 385,
386, 390, 392, 393,
448, 461
1959 — 34, 128, 207
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions Council, Medical
Division
1955 — 98, 107, 137, 138,
159, 167, 168, 173,
175, 181, 189, 203,
207, 220, 230, 231,
236, 240, 248, 249,
250, 254, 255, 256,
258, 261, 262, 264,
290, 291, 293, 301,
302, 306, 311, 312,
313, 317, 318, 319,
320, 322, 324, 352,
357, 358, 359, 361,
382
1959—207
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions Council, Medical
Division, Committee
Against Discrimination
1955 — 317, 318, 319, 320,
322, 324. 325
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions Council, Medical
Division, Executive
Board
1955—231, 236, 256, 257,
262, 291, 305, 307,
309, 310, 313, 316,
338, 354
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions Council, Architec-
ture and Engineering
Division
1955 — 318, 319, 321
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions Council, Equal
Rights Conference
1955 — 168, 236, 250, 258
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions, Hollywood Thea-
ter
1955 — 298
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions Council, Peace
Committee
1955—231, 296, 299, 302,
341
Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions Council, Science
and Education Division
1955—305, 306, 307, 319
Arts Union Council
1943—165, 166
1948—316
1951—83
1959—20
Arvin, Newton
1945—127
1948—248, 273, 338
1949 — 471
Aryan Book Store
1943—226, 229, 234
Asbel. Bernard
1948 — 392
Asch, Moe
1949—543
INDEX
231
Asch, Nathan
1945—121
1948—266
Ascher, Charles S.
194S — 109
Asen, Simon
1949 — 480
Ashby, George
1947—226
Ash ton, Marion
1948—15
Ashwell, George Governeur
1943 — 356, 377, 379, 382
Askew, Maude
1943 — 382
Askey, E. Vincent, Dr.
1955 — 128, 129, 130, 131,
132, 133
ASP (See Arts, Sciences
and Professions Coun-
cil)
Aspects of China's Anti-
Japanese
1952—238
Asperlin
1949—255
Aspimvall High School
1951 — 237
Assembly Committee
1959—27, 127
Assembly Concurrent Reso-
lution No. 13
1943—5, 386, 388
Assembly Concurrent Reso-
lution No. 59
1945 — 5
Assembly Relief Investigat-
ing Committee
1949 — 129, 130, 701, 702
Assignment in Utopia
1943 — 19
assignment to Berlin
1945—15, 17
Associated Farmers
1948 — 15, 17, 18, 19
Associated Farmers of
Orange County
1955 — 36, 37
Associated Film Audiences
1948 — 167, 193, 225
1949— 2S6, 387
1953 — 176
Associated Magazine Con-
tributors, Inc.
1948—49
1949 — 460
Associated National
Bookshops
1949 — 286
Associated Press
1949—67, 114
Associated Students,
U. C. L. A.
1957 — 33
Association for Jewish Col-
onization of the Soviet
Union
1949—549
Association for the Ad-
vancement of Science
1955—210
Association Nacional Mex-
ico Americana
1955—390
Association of Industrial
Sciences
1947 — 210
Association of Internes
and Medical Students,
(AIMS)
1955—80, 83, 86, 87, 152,
156, 157, 160, 161,
381, 382
Association of Lithuanian
Workers
1949—287
Association of Medical
Students
1955—87, 382
Association of National
Advertisers and the
American Association
of Advertising Agencies
1949—660, 661, 669, 673,
675
Association of Veteran
Home Buyers
1953—102, 103
Ateman, Edward
1948 — 378
1949—557
Atherton, Leigh
1953—93
Atkinson, Brooks
1948 — 188
1949 — 51
Atkinson, Cyril
1947 — 89
1949 — 425
Atkinson, Harry
1951—267
Atkinson, N. P.
1949 — 549
Atkinson, William, Dr.
1955 — 309, 315
Atlanta Federal Peniten-
tiary
1948—200, 214
Atlanta Ordnance Base
1955 — 404
Atlantic Charter
1949 — 15
Atlantic Pact
1949 — 413, 472, 540
Atlas, Leopold
1948—389
Atlee, Prime Minister
Clement
1953 — 226, 227
ATOLA
1955 — 431
Atomic Bomb Research
1947—205
Atomic Energy Commission
1955 — 50
Attorney General of the
United States
1959 — 138, 140, 141, 142,
182
Attorney General's List
1959 — 138, 146
Atwater, Dr. H. Gale
1948 — 358
Atwater, Edith
1949 — 480, 4S9, 499, 503
Auden, W. H.
1948 — 330
Auer, Mischa
1948—358
Auslander, Jacob, Dr.
1959—184
Austin, R. G.
1945 — 45
1948 — 338
Australian Communist
Party
1951 — 498
Australian Royal Commis-
sion
1955 — 394
Austrian Communist Party
1949—172
Austrian, Spencer
1943—125
1948—332
1949 — 542
Austro-American Council
1949 — 287
Ausubel, Nathan
1949—625
Authors' League
1947—286, 2S7, 288
Auto-Tech Garage
1948—343
Averbuck, Alvin
1948—214
1953 — 110, 111
Averbuck, Evelyn
1953 — 111
Avery, R. S.
1945 — 137
1947—71, 96, 179, 189
1948 — 185
1949—419, 422
Avery, Stephen Morehouse
1948—210
Axelrod, William
1949 — 688
1959—99
Axelrod, Jeanette
1948 — 375
AYD Club
1953 — 259
AYD in Action
1948 — 224
1949—382, 547
Aydelotte, Dr. Frank
1948 — 323
Ayeroff Brothers
1948 — 343
1949 — 688
Ayeroff, Joseph
1943 — 159, 160
Ayers, James M.
1948—338
Azad, Prithi Singh
1953—223
Azad, Teja Singh (See Teja
Singh Azad)
Azember
1949 — 181
3
Baarslag, Karl
1949 — 601, 606, 60S, 629,
634, 637, 647, 677
1951—269
Babb, Sonora
1943 — 164, 166
1951 — 83
Baber, Zonia
1948 — 273
Bacall, Lauren
1948 — 210
Baccoccini, Angelo
1943 — 304
Bachelis, Lee
194S — 106, 132, 160, 198
1949—688
1951—60
1955—299, 301, 302, 315,
353, 360
1959 — 127
Bachelis, Selma Mikels
1947 — 251
1951 — 260, 267
1959 — 127
Bachrach, Marion
1948— 318
Bachus, George
19 48—355
Bachus, Henry
1948 — 355
Bachus, Jim
1948 — 355
Backus, John
1951—229
Bacon, Sir Francis
19 17— sr,
Bacon, Elizabeth M.
1948—226, 343
Bacon, Leonard
19 is— 330
Bacon, Merriel R.
1948—209
232
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Baer, Ellen
Baldulf
1948—355
1957—58
Baer, May
Baldwin, C. B.
1948—355
1947 — 184
Baetcke, Drucilla (Mrs.
1948 — 354, 392
Max Schoen)
1949 — 543
1955—298
Baldwin, Joseph Clark
Baffa, Frank
1948—323
1948 — 259
Baldwin, Roger N.
Bailey, Ezra
1948—107, 145, 151,
L79,
1947—226
181, 194, 200, 244,
Bailey, Gus
247, 333, 338, 351
1948—333
1949 — 688
Bailey, Harry
Bales, William
1948— 2S0, 311, 313
1949 — 480
Bailey, William
Baliga, Dr. A. V.
1948 — 94, 185, 218, 297
1953 — 233
1949 — 554
Balint, Alex
Baird, Max
1948 — 205
1949 — 547
Balint, David
Baker, Dr. Alonzo
1948 — 205
1948 — 171
Baliol College
Baker, Beverly
1953—231
1955 — 392
Ball, Lucile
Baker, Bill
1943 — 127
1951—230
Ballam, John J.
Baker, Charles
1949 — 178
1948 — 243
Ballard, Benjamin Franklin
Baker, Chester
1943—258
1947 — 152, 164
Ballard, W. W.
Baker, Eddie
1949—480
1955 — 391
Ballila
Baker, Enos J.
1943—301
1948 — 214
Ballot. Southern California
Baker, Dr. Frank
Chapter of the
Na-
1948 — 151, 325
tional Council of
the
1949 — 539
Arts, Sciences and Pro-
Baker, George T.
fessions
1943 — 251-253, 275, 281,
1955—343, 344
284, 291
Ballou, Walter
Baker, Hart
1943 — 161
1948 — 95
Balokovic, Zlato
Baker, James
1948 — 113, 114, 126,
131,
1955 — 392
168, 208, 265,
323,
Baker, James C.
374
1948 — 320
1949—415, 449, 455,
480,
Baker, Bishop James
489, 494, 499,
503,
Chamberlain
505, 509, 512,
513,
1948—109, 114
515, 517, 518,
519,
Baker, Josephine
522, 524, 530,
531.
1955—296
534, 537, 538
Baker, Melville
1951 — 271, 287
1948—372
1953 — 131, 172
Baker, Miriam
Balokovic, Mrs. Zlato
1955—391
1951 — 286
Baker, Mr. and Mrs. Percy
Baiter, Harry Graham
1948 — 216
1948—151, 152, 249
Baker, William
Baiter, Sam
1948 — 94
1947—180, 181, 183
1949 — 554
1948—198, 202, 279
Baker, Miss Wilma
1949 — 688
1948 — 198
Baltic Riddle, The
Bakery Drivers Local 276
1948—326
1947 — 50
1949 — 539
Bakery Wagon Drivers
Baltic Soviet Republic,
The
Salesmen, Local 484
1947 — 114
1947—90, 93
Baltimore Sunday Sun
Bakesy, Charles G.
1948 — 124
1943 — 61
Bakewell, Bernard K.
Baltisky, N.
1949 — 67
1948 — 15
Bakunin, Michael
1945 — 68
Balzer Department Store
1951—267
1947—9
Bancroft, Frank C.
1953 — 9, 10, 21, 22, 23,
1948 — 1G3, 375
25, 29, 30, 32
Bancroft, Frank Carter
Balahap, Juan
1959 — 176
1949 — 181
Balamuth, Lewis
1948 — 179
Bancroft, Philip, Jr.
1948—15
Balbanoff, Angelica
Banenberger, Weston
1949—160, 161
1955 — 391
Balch, Prof. Marston
Bangal Corporation
1949 — 480
1953 — 231
Bangs, Mrs. Grace Allen
1948 — 228
1949 — 458
Bank of America
1943 — 286
Banke, Evelyn
1955—416
Bankhead, Thomas
1949—437
Bankhead, William G.
1955 — 409
Banks, Joan
1948—355
1953—286
Banning Live Wire
1948—20
Barahal, Allan
1949 — 429, 430
Barankovic, Istvan
1949 — 114
Baras, Joseph
1948 — 341
Barber, Carl
1951 — 229, 230
Barber, Samuel
1948 — 330
Barbers Union, Local 48
1947 — 80
Barbour, Josephine C.
1949 — 4S0
Barbour, Katherine
1948 — 375
Barbussi, Henri
1945 — 119
1947 — 106
1948—149, 246, 266, 384,
385
1949—318, 368, 377, 487
1953—175
Barclay, Rev. Wade
Crawford
1949 — 480, 506, 507, 530
Bard, Phil
1948—244
Barilone, John
1948—233
Barkan, Camille
1948—184
1949 — 561
Barker, Mary C.
1948 — 278
Barker, Oner B., Jr., Dr.
1955 — 79, 277, 2S6, 287,
367, 3S0, 393
Barlin, Paul
1955—387
Barlo, Ed
1947 — 90
Barlow, Edward
1951—280, 281
Barlow, Jarvis
1948 — 355
Barlow, Sam
194S— 392
1949 — 4S0, 4S4, 499, 505,
507, 509, 513, 517,
519, 543
Barlow, Samuel L. M.
1948 — 327
Barlow Sanitorium
1955— 9S
Barmine
1949—62
Barnes, Carol
1948—8, 215, 220
Barnes, Clifford W.
1948—323
Barnes, Edward L.
1948 — 62
1949 — 470
Barnes, Dr. Harry Elmer
1948 — 109, 181, 196, 211,
247, 248, 265, 351
1949 — 688
Barnes, John
1948—279, 383
233
Barnes, Joseph
1948 — 341
1959 — 174
Barnes, Joseph Fels
1948—357
Barnes, Mrs. Kathleen
1948 — 170
Barnes, Mary Natividad
1955—391
Barnes, Roswell P.
1948—193
Barnett, Eugene E.
1948 — 322
Barnsten, Louise
1947—88
Barnum, Carl
1948 — 195
Barnum, Prof. Cyrus P., Jr.
1949 — 480, 489
Baron, Isabel
1948 — 184, 185
1949—561
Baron, Lou
1943 — 159, 162
1947—64, 65, 74, 169
1949 — 417, 418
Baron, Rose
1948 — 266
1949 — 179
1955 — 389
Baroway, Leo
1948 — 213
1949—545
1951 — 188, 190
Barr, Arvil S.
1953 — 151
Barr, Mrs. Clinton M.
1948—333
Barran, Joseph
1948 — 94
1949 — 554
Barrett, Edward L., Jr.
1959 — 49
Barrie, Lee
1948 — 355
1955 — 387
Barrier, Edgar
1948—356
Barrigan, Andy
1943 — 155
1948 — 182
1949 — 560, 688
Barrigan, Andrew
1959—99
Barron, Samuel
1949 — 546
Barrows, Alice
1948 — 151, 226, 328
1949 — 480, 488, 489, 499,
509, 512, 516, 528,
530
Barrows, Alice Prentiss
1959 — 174
Barry, Frank D.
1943—275, 277
Barrv, John D.
1948—358
Barry, John M.
1957—31
Barry, Katherine Dixon
1943 — 275
Barsky, Edward K., Dr.
194S — 125, 231, 234, 271,
350, 353, 376
1949—342, 460, 468, 480,
489, 499, 501, 503,
506, 508, 509, 511,
512, 513, 515, 519,
520, 531, 534, 688
1951 — 92, 271, 272, 275
1953—131, 171, 172
Barsky, George
1953—174
Barsky v. United States
1955—61
Bartlett, Noel
Bauer, Hans F.
1947 — 211
1943 — 225, 242, 243
1951—77, 229, 230
Bauer, Katherine
Bartlett, Sy
1953—172
1948 — 211
Bauer, Marion
1955 — 456, 457
1948 — 311
Bartman, Mrs. Fred
Bauer, William P.
1959—212
1943 — 225, 235, 236
Baruch
Bauers, Louisa, Mrs.
1949 — 43
1955 — 388
Baruch, Dorothy
Baum
1947 — 96
1947 — 203
1948 — 279
Baum, B.
Barzin, Leon
1949 — 501
1948 — 311
Baum, Prof. Bernard
Barzman, Ben
1949 — 480, 527
1947 — 73
Bauman, Harry
Bashore, Lee
1948 — 146
1949—702
Bauman, Mordecai
1951—1
1949 — 480, 499, 514, 519,
Basky, Louis
520
1957 — 87
Baumgartner, D. Leona
Bass, Basil
1948 — 227
1948 — 169
Bavaria
1949 — 412
1943 — 218, 219
Bass, Charlotta
Baxter, Charles
1959 — 185
194S — 383
Bass, Charlotta A
Baxter, David
1945 — 137, 139,
"182,
185,
1943—225, 243
208
Bay Area Committee to
1947 — 47, 67, 79, 89
, 93,
Save the Rosenbergs
96, 238
1955 — 403
1948 — 59, 183,
184,
185,
Bay Area Council Against
190, 202,
203,
204,
Discrimination
215, 221,
279,
320,
1947—209, 210
330, 344,
346,
355,
Bay, Emanuel
375, 378
1948—311
1949—419, 424,
478,
548,
Bay, Howard
557, 688
1948 — 96, 132, 162, 189,
1951 — 53, 56, 57, 58
, 59,
328, 378
250, 251,
255,
264,
1949—448, 449, 480, 488,
268, 272,
275,
281
499, 501, 503, 515,
1955—383, 387,
422
517, 521, 522, 527,
Bass, Elbert
531, 534, 537
1948 — 184
Bay, Paula
1949 — 561
1948 — 356
Bass, Xaomi
Bayer, Theodore
1955 — 3S6, 391
1943 — 119, 120
Bass, Saul
1948—323
1955 — 387
1949 — 538
Bassett, W. J.
Bazazowski, Hank
1947 — 48, 49, 50. 51.
52,
1943—149
192
Beach, Ethel
Bassett, W. K.
1948 — 227
1943__150
Beach, Prof. Joseph Warren
1948 — 341
1948—271
1949 — 397
1949 — 468
Basshe, Emjo
Beal, Fred
1945 — H9
1959 — 122, 123
1948 — 270, 273,
278
Beal, Fred E.
1949 — 47i
1949 — 178, 182
Bassman, George
Beal, John
1948 — 314
1948 — 211
Bassman, Melvin
Beals, Carlton
1948 — 179
1949 — 244, 245
Bassols, Narcisso
1951 — 273
Beals, Ralph
1947 — 71, 95, 258
Bath, Cyril
1949 — 538
1948—171
1949 — 422, 688
Batiste, Calvin
1951 — 53
1948 — 215, 220
Bear, The
1948—96
Beard, Charles A.
Batt, Hon. William L.
1948 — 323
Battaglini, Rene
1948 — 358
1949 — 688
Batten, L.W.
1949 — 601
1947 — 363
1948 — 199, 330
Beard, Mary
1948 — 199
Beardsley, Helen (Mrs.
John)
Battle, George Gordon
1948 — 109, 110
1948 — 248
Beardsley, Judge John
Bauer
1949 — 184, 201
1953 — 9
Beasley, Robert
Bauer, Catherine
1948 — 375
1947 — 202, 209
Beattie, Ruth Priscilla
1948 — 151
1955 — 424, 425
234
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Beaudry, Lee
1948 — 179
Beaver, William
1951—229
Beaverman, Harry
1947 — 239
Beavers, George A.
1953—79, 80, 82, S3, 121
Beavers, Louise
1948 — 185
Bebritz, Louis
1949 — 182
Becerril, Edward
1948 — 259
Becher, Johannes
1949 — 413
Beck, Dave
1959 — 108
Beck, Edward
1951—162, 163
Beck, Jean R.
1948—226, 343
Beckelman, Moses W.
1948—375
Becker, Mr. and Mrs. A.
1948 — 172
Becker, A. Soundel
1959 — 185
Becker, Kathryn
1948—317
Becker, Leon S.
1948 — 211, 317
Becker, Maurice
1948 — 132
Beckerman, Edith
1951 — 25
Beckerman, Harry N.
1947 — 96
Becket, Marjory
1948 — 356
Beckwith, Dr. Theodore D.
1948 — 171
Bedacht, Max
1947 — 180
1948_131, 176, 196, 200,
265-268, 322, 323,
328, 351, 390
1949—158, 177, 178, 321,
463, 464, 538, 688
1951 — 93, 281, 287
1953 — 131, 172, 173, 175
1955—41
1957 — 80
Bedwell, Dona
1948—277
Beecroft, Dr. Eric
1948—152, 255
Beek, Joseph Allan
1947—355, 356
Beery, Ben S.
1943—7, 225, 251, 257, 259,
263, 266, 275, 276
Beerv, Wallace
1949—691, 695
Beet Susrar Local 2074 8
1949—437
Behrendt, George S.
1947 — 238
Behrman, Samuel
1948—330
Beierelman, Dr. M. N.
1948—171
Bein, Albert
1945 — 127
Biswenger, Hugo
1949 — 547
Bekessy, Mr. and Mrs.
Imre
1947 — 96
Bela, Nicholas
1947—182, 185
Beldner, Sanford S.
1948—198
1949 — 688
Belester, Mrs. Alice S.
1948—322
Belfrage, Cedric
1948 — 4, 152
1949 — 688
1955 — 112
Belgium
1943 — 221
Belgrade, Sema B.
1948 — 93
Belino, Mattie A.
1949 — 596
Bell, Arthur Lowber
1943 — 356, 359, 370, 376,
378-382
1945 — 32-34, 39, 40-43
Bell, Columbus S.
1949 — 596
Bell, Prof. Eric T.
1948—112
Bell, Rev. James W.
1948 — 338
Bell, Ruby V.
1943 — 381
1945—35-38, 39-40
Bell, Thomas
1947 — 106
1949 — 414, 449, 480, 489,
499, 503, 509, 512,
516, 525, 529, 535,
536, 537
Beller, George
1947_73, 80, 189
Beller, Prof. Irwin R.
1949—480
Bells Toll for Hemingway at
Vets' Symposium
1948—100
Belmont High School
(Los Angeles)
1948—179
1951—27, 34
Beloff
1949 — 31
Belowski, John
1948—273
Belt, Dr. Elmer
1948—171
Belt, Mrs. Elmer
1947—182, 185
Belton
1949—610
Belton, Bill
1947 — 243, 244
1948 — 280
1949 — 688
Belton, Maxine
1948—338
Beltram, William
1953_27S, 282
Bemis, Gray
1943—217
1945—139, 140
1948 — 328, 351, 3,';)
Bemis, Gregg
1945—182
Benault, Al
1948 — 356
Ben Davis Club
1848—214
Ben Leider Memorial Fund
19 48 — 56
1949—287
Bender, Albert
1948 — 144
Bendich, Albert M.
1959 — 204
Bendiner, Elmer
1949—480
Bendor, Bill
1948 — 203
Benedaret, Bea
1948—356
Benedict, D. F.
1949—436
Benedict, E. F.
1947 — 241
Benedict, Ruth
1948 — 192
Benes,
President
1949-
-111
Benet,
William Rose
1948-
-114, 132, 189, 239,
240, 244, 262, 273,
323, 324, 328, 3:J0,
351, 352
1949-
-449, 471
Bengou
gh, P. R.
1959-
-97
Benjam
in, Herbert
1948-
-383
1949-
-337, 365
Benjamin, Nora
1945-
-127
Bennett
, Bill
19 49-
-556
Bennetl
, Connie Lee
1955-
-387
Bennett
, Delay
1948-
-161
Bennett
, Eugene V.
1948-
-249
Bennett
, Gwendolyn
1947-
-106
194S-
-545
Bennett
Hugh
1948-
-251
1949-
-547
Bennett
John C.
1948-
-328, 351
Bennett
Louise
1948-
-233
Bennett
M. E.
1947-
-324
Bennett
Margaret
1947-
-23 8
194S-
-251, 254, 279
Bennett
Milly
1949-
-546
Bennett
Robert Russell
1948-
-311, 317
Bennett
S. K.
1948-
-383
Benson,
E.
1948-
-233
Benson,
Elmer A.
1947-
-184, 233
1948-
-113, 132, 168, 181,
198, 202, 208, 226,
248, 318, 327, 328,
354
1949-
-449, 455, 491
Benson,
Frank W.
1948-
-330
Benson,
George S.
1953-
-133
Benson,
James D.
1948-
-141
Bentall,
David J.
1948-
-265, 331
1949-
-541
Bentall,
J. O.
1948—
266
Bentley,
Barbara
1948-
-210
Bentley,
Elizabeth
1949-
-2, 678
1951-
-81, 131, 133, 134,
146, 148, 149, 152
1953-
-7
1955-
-401
1959-
-167, 183
Bentley,
Phyllis
1951-
-53
Benzigei
-, Otto W.
1943—
-60
Bercovici, Leonardo
1948-
-210, 260
Bercovitz, Nathaniel, Dr.
1955—
-71, 118, 119, 120,
121, 122, 123, 124,
125, 126, 133
INDEX
235
Bercut-Richards Packing
Corporation
1959—134
Berdansky, Louis
194S — 375
Berenholz, Anne
1948—227
Berenson, Bernard
1948 — 330
Berg, Beckie
1948—343
Berger, Hans (Gerhart
Eisler)
1949—172, 231, 444, 677
Berger, Meta
194S — 248
Berger, Mrs. Victor I.
194S — 151
Bergh, Haakon
1948 — 311, 314
Bergman, Hilmer
1947 — 72
Bergoffen, H.
1949 — 548
Beria, Laventri
1949 — 192
1951—239
1953—44, 45
Berke, Dr. William
1949 — 429, 430
Berke, Dr. William R.
1953 — 248, 267, 268
1955—52
Berkeley Democratic Club
194S — 195
Berkeley, Martin
1959 — 116
Berkeley Tennis Club
1953 — 262
Berkman v. Tillinghast
1949 — 246
Berkowitz (see Berke,
William R.)
Berland, Sam
1948 — 203
1949 — 437, 688
Berland, Samuel
1953 — 106, 107, 118, 124,
125
Berle, A. A., Jr.
1949 — 341
Berle, Adolph A.
1949 — 341
1951 — 262
Berlin League Against
Imperialism
1953—223
Berlin-Rome Axis
1943 — 220
Berman
1951—56
Berman, Averill
1947 — 194, 195, 198, 199
1948—219, 279, 355
1949 — 632, 688
1955—309, 360
Berman, Freda
1948—375
Berman, Jack T,
1947—179, 189, 238
1948 — 355
1949— 6SS
Berman, Lionel
194S — 340, 377
1949 — 484
1955—366
Bernales, Humberto Lillo
1949 — 181
Bernard, Bern
1948 — 250, 255
Bernard, John T.
1948—95, 109, 310, 386
Berne, Louis Alan
1945—147
1947 — 201-204, 209, 214,
216, 219
1948—114, 151, 163, 176,
211, 351
1949 — 44S, 449, 68S
1951 — 56, 59, 92, 93
1953—63, 171, 172, 176,
177, 280, 281
Berneri, Camillo
1951 — 273
Bernfeld, William
1948 — 15
Bernhard, Arthur
1949 — 549
Bernstein, Mr. and Mrs.
1951—267
Bernstein, Aline
1945 — 127
1948 — 189
1949 — 480, 499, 503, 504,
505, 509, 512, 515,
517, 530, 533
Bernstein, Harry
1948 — 374
Bernstein, Leonard
1948—210, 392
1949—480, 484, 489, 494,
499, 501, 502, 503,
505, 506, 509, 512,
513, 514, 515, 516,
517, 521, 523, 532,
543
Bernstein, Maurice
1948 — 375
Bernstein, Samuel
1951 — 153
Bernstein, Sanford
1949 — 428, 434
Bernstein, Victor
1949—480, 483, 499, 503,
516, 519
Bernstein, Walter
1948 — 378
1949 — 480, 489, 499, 514,
517, 525, 529, 535,
536, 537, 557
Berrish
1948 — 285
Berry, Abner
1948 — 213, 233, 343
1949—189, 545, 547
Berry, John
1948 — 97, 179
Berry, Rosalie
1949 — 547
Berry Sisters
1949—542
Berry, Wallace
1948 — 280, 338
1949—691, 695
Bersin, Harry
1948 — 205
Bertholon, George
1943 — 129
1948—152
Berton, Victor
1948 — 311, 312
Besig, Ernest
1948 — 4, 5, 6, 111, 112
Bessie, Alvah
1947 — 70, 72, 106
194S — 97-103, 105, 136,
170, 176, 183, 189,
192, 239, 261, 328,
340, 360
1949 — 421, 478, 545, 688
1951 — 57, 59, 60, 268
1953 — 139, 279, 280, 281
Best, Raymond
1945—55, 56
Beth Israel Hospital
1955 — 221
Bethune Branch of the
Communist Party
1948—215
Bethune, Dr.
1949—555
Bethune, Mary McLeod
1948—114, 131, 151, 181,
186, 201, 227, 228,
262, 318, 319, 323,
324, 327, 328, 334,
350, 351, 353, 390
1949 — 449, 456, 457, 538,
562
Better Business Bureau
1949 — 653
Bettington, Mrs. Blanche
1947 — 115-120, 122, 124-
126, 128, 129, 131,
132, 134, 135, 137,
138, 139, 238, 369
Beverly, Helen
1948 — 356
Beverly Hills High School
1953—100
1959—212
Beverly Hills Police
Department
1951—244, 245, 246, 249,
254
Beverly Hills Police
Department, Chief
1951—244, 245, 254
Beverly Vista Grammar
School
1953 — 100
Bevin, Foreign Minister
1949—120
Beware the Ex-Communist
1959 — 11, 15
Bey, Howard
1947 — 238
Beyea, Frank
1948 — 161
Bhagat Singh
1953 — 223
Bhala Singh
1953—218
Bhan Singh
1953—219
Bianco, Joseph
1948 — 94
1949 — 554
Bibby, Dr. Henry Lambert
1948 — 271, 322
1949—468
Biber, Harry
1955 — 392
Biber, Henry
1955 — 392
Biberman, Edward
1943 — 129
1947 — 70, 96, 189, 238
1948 — 183, 231, 355
1949 — 421, 478, 688
1955 — 306, 315, 387
Biberman, Gale
Sondergaard
1955 — 315
Biberman, Herbert
1943—93, 124, 129
1947 — 70, 72, 73, 188
1948 — 106, 154, 160, 162,
164-168, 175, 193,
226, 239, 250, 251,
255-257, 267, 276,
310, 328, 346, 360,
373, 374
1949 — 421, 478, 480, 4S8,
499, 504, 506, 508,
509, 512, 513, 516,
517, 519, 520, 523,
530, 537, 6S8
236
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Biberman, Herbert —
Continued
1951—57, 58, 59, 60, 92,
255, 268, 271, 280
1953—139
1955—112, 294, 306, 315,
346, 387, 450
Biberman, Sonja Dahl
1955—315, 387
Bibily, Paul
1943 — 284, 293
Bibir, Stella
1955 — 391
Bibliography on the Soviet
Union
1947—114
Bibliography on Women,
Child Care and the
Family in the U. S. S. R.
1947 — 114
Bick, Leon
1947 — 90
Biddle, Attorney General
Francis
1945—30, 134
1947 — 68
1948 — 98, 99, 103, 106,
110, 117, 118, 121,
122, 124, 126, 133,
134, 135, 154-158,
165-167, 191, 192,
265, 274, 331, 362,
364, 366-368, 383
1949—251, 257, 265, 268,
274, 277, 278, 279,
280, 281, 284, 291,
298, 300, 307, 319,
320, 321, 328, 332,
335, 339, 341, 342,
348, 353, 363, 364,
368, 371, 373, 393,
394, 398, 407, 408,
419, 439, 440, 446,
487, 540
1959 — 139
Biddle, George
1948—248, 386
Bidien, Charles
1949—549
Bidner, William
1947—60, 61, 62
1948—202, 203, 206, 207,
208, 220, 221
1949—688
1951 — 255
1953 — 102
Biendenkapp, Fred
1948—266
Bielawski, Eugene
1947 — 89, 91
1948 — 425
Bienz, Senator Thomas H.
1949—600, 601, 602, 603,
605, 606, 607, 608,
609, 637
Bierut, Boleslaw
1949—101, 119
Big Union
1948 — 342
Bigelman, Dr. Leo
1943 — 127, 143
1947 — 71, 72, 73
1948—223, 224
1949—422
1955 — 112, 272, 287, 367
Bignami, Arthur
1943 — 310
Bilan, Alexander
1949 — 177
Bill of Rights
1943—247
1948 — 61, 391
1949— 50S, 566, 579
1959—189, 211
Bill of Rights Conference
1951 — 41, 280, 281
1953—247
Billboard
1948 — 147
Billing, Dr. Harvey E.
1948 — 171
Billings, Marcus
1953—278, 282
Billings, Warren K.
1947 — 78, 79
1948 — 163, 201
1949 — 424, 448
Bills, Walter
1949—546
Bingham, Alfred M.
1948 — 244
Binswanger, Clara G.
1948 — 265
Bioff, Willie
1959 — 111
Bio-Lab Union, Local 225
1955—48, 49, 65
Bird, Dick
1945—175
Bird, W. H.
1955 — 394
Birge, Prof. Raymond T.
1948—112, 328, 351, 352
1953 ^73
Birkhoff, Prof. George D.
1948—322
Birmingham School of
Medicine
1951 — 164
Biro-Bidjan
1948 — 196
1949 — 288, 317
Bishop, George
1948—377
Bishop, Isabel
1948—330
Bishop, Father Shelton Hale
1949—480, 483
Bisno, Herb
1955 — 318
Bissell, Doc
1948 — 94
1949 — 554
Bissel, Dr. Franklin
1955 — 206, 207, 288, 374
Bissell, Whit
1948—356
Bisson, T. A.
1948—144, 151, 198
1959 — 175
Bisson, Thomas A.
1953—176
Bittleman
1949—658
Bittleman, Alexander
1948 — 142, 196, 213
1949—157, 166, 175, 177,
178, 188, 189, 304,
545, 546, 625
1953—51, 173, 174, 230
1957 — 80
Bittner, Van A.
1948 — 181
Bjoze, Jack
1949—556
Black, Algernon
1948 — 179, 193
1949—480, 499, 504-507,
509, 512, 513, 515,
517, 522, 531, 532
Black and White
1948—46, 49, 172, 193, 224
1949—382
1951 — 235
Black and White Press, Inc.
1948 — 224
Black v. Cutter Laboratories
1955 — 384
Black Dragon Society
1943—325, 345
Black, Elaine
1948 — 266
1951 — 259
1953 — 175
Black Hand
1949 — 26
Black, Justice
1953—180, 181
1959 — 189
Black Legion
1948 — 117
Black Lists
1943 — 79
Black Pit
1948 — 128
Black Shirts
1959 — 45
Blackiston, William
1947 — 180, 181
Blackman, Mrs. Phyllis
1948 — 355
Blackmer, Jane
1947—91
Blackwell, Aline Stone
1948—266
Blackwell, Juanita
1945—15
1948 — 146, 149
Blackwell, Nita
1953 — 121
Blai, Boris
1949—480
Blain, Anne
1948—334
Blair, Aubrey
1943 — 61, 82
Blair, Betsy
1948 — 356
1949 — 480, 489
Blair, Fred
1948—212
Blair, Helen
1955—387
Blair, Nan
1951 — 266
Blake, Ben
1948 — 278
Blake, George
1948 — 213
Blake, Melissa
1948 — 343
Blake, William
194S — 95, 103, 276
Blanchard, Dr. Frederic T.
1948 — 171
Blanchard, Helen
1948 — 227
Blanchard, Myron B.
1948 — 375
Bland, John L.
1948 — 15
Blankford, Gerald
1947—72
Blankfort, Henry
1947 — 185, 238
1948—251, 355
1949 — 480, 484, 489, 688
1951 — 271
1955—383
Blankfort, Henry, Jr.
1949—509
Blankfort, Mrs. Henry
1955 — 383
Blankfort, Laurie
1948—278
Blankfort, Michael
1945—126
1947 — 238
1948 — 163, 198, 202, 274,
278, 279, 343, 355
1949—471, 4S0, 499, 516,
688
1951 — 271
Blankfort, Mrs. M.
1948—97
237
Blankfort, Sylvia
1948 — 278
Blass, Dorothy
1948 — 356
Blass, Lambert
1948 — 356
Blatch, Harriet Stanton
1948—248
Blatniak, Anna
1949 — 414
Blau, Milton
1947 — 106
1948—545
Blaustein, Julian
1947 — 238
Blazer, Julia
1959 — 174
Blazer, Julia Older
1959—172, 174, 176
Bledsoe, William
1948 — 360
Bleucher, Marshall
1949—104
Blewett, John H., Jr.
1951 — 102, 104
Blinken, Samuel M.
1948—332
1949 — 541
Bliss, George H.
1949 — 602
Bliss, Ted
1948 — 254
Blitzstein, Madelin
1948 — 277
Blitzstein, Marc
1948 — 103, 162, 311, 378,
392
1949 — 480, 488, 489, 494,
499, 501, 503, 504,
506, 508, 509, 510,
511, 512, 513, 515,
516, 517, 518, 519,
520, 521, 523, 524,
525, 527, 528, 529,
532, 534, 535, 536,
537, 543
Bliven, Bruce
1948 — 96, 151, 179, 333,
377
1953 — 171, 174, 176
Blix, Lew C. G.
1943 — 82
Bloc, Jean-Richard
1947 — 106
Bloch, Ernest
1948 — 330
Bloch, Dr. Joshua
1949 — 480
Bloch, Leon
1948 — 278
Bloch, Dr. Louis
1951—231, 232
Bloch, Mrs. Louis
194S— 322
Block, Anita
1948 — 278, 322
Block, Joe
1949 — 548
Blockade
1948—372
Blodgett, Dave
1948 — 343
"Bloody Thursday" Parade
1943 — 99
Bloom, Aaron
1948—268
1949 — 464
Bloom, Dr. Leonard
1947 — 71, 72, 95, 257
1948 — 309
1949—422
1951 — 53, 109, 255
Bloom, Sophie
1948—281
Bloomgarden, Kermit
1948—240
1949— 4S0, 484, 489, 503
Bloomgarden, Lawrence
1949 — 694
Bloor, Mother Ella Reeve
1948 — 56, 151, 176, 228,
266
1949 — 157, 177, 329, 355,
361, 377, 452, 454,
455, 457, 520
Blow That Whistle
1948 — 264
Blowitz, Bill
1945—116
1948 — 254, 279, 355
Blue, Ben
1951 — 267
Blue Network
1947 — 364
Blueprint for World
Conquest
1949—653
Bluestone, Dr. E. M.
1949— 4S0, 499, 510
Bluhm, William
1945 — 148
Blum, Edwin
1948—251, 254
Blum, Hanah
1955 — 318
Blum, Leon
1948 — 191
Blum, M.
1955 — 389
Blumberg, A. M.
1948 — 15
Blumberg-, Al
1948 — 213
Blumberg-, Albert E.
1957 — 78
Blumberg, Prof. Henry
1949— 4S0, 499, 517
Blumenfeld, Hans
1949 — 480
Blumer, Dr. George
1948—328, 351
Blumstein, Dr. Albert
1951 — 267
Blumstein, Alex
1948—200
Blythe, Ann
1948 — 183
B'nai B'rith Youth
Organization
1948—16
1951—25
Boalt Hall of Law
1951 — 264
Board of Economic Admin-
istration and Foreign
Economic Administra-
tion
19 cq 173
Board of Education, City of
New York
1953 — 148, 149
Board of Education v.
Jewett
1949 — 574
Board of Ediicalion v.
Wilkinson
1955—60, 66
Board of Prison Terms and
Paroles
1943 — 192
Boardman, Helen
1947 — 238
1948 — 355
Boardman, Samuel
1948 — 144
Boardman, Thelma
194S — 170
Boardman, True
1947 — 238
1955—463, 464
Boas, Ernest
1955 — 107
Boas, Ernest P.
1948—244, 262, 328
1949 — 4S0, 484, 496, 499,
501, 506, 510, 512,
513, 526
Boas, Prof. Franz
1948 — 109, 112, 114, 141,
151, 163, 200, 211,
226, 239, 270, 327,
350, 351, 358, 377,
1949 — 688
1951 — 92, 93
1953 — 131, 139, 171, 172,
176, 177, 280, 281,
282
Bobrovskaya, C.
1949 — 193
Bock, Phil
1948 — 214, 348, 389
1951 — 22, 23, 24, 26, 28,
29
Bock, Zelda
1955 — 389
Bodansky, Dr. Aaron
194S — 114, 169, 170
1949 — 412
Boddy, Manchester
1943 — 54-56
Bodeen, DeWitt
1948 — 210
1955 — 461
Bodenheim, Maxwell
1945—121, 126
1948 — 274
1949 — 472
Boder, Elena
1948—171
Bodian, Clara
194S — 228
1949 — 458
Bodin, Ida
1948 — 185
1949 — 561
Bodkin, B. A.
1948—392
Bodkin, Helen
1948—214
Bodkin, Wesley
1948 — 214, 343
Bodlander, Walter
1948—355
Bodle, Georg-e E.
1943 — 60, 94, 176, 197
1955—448, 449, 450, 451,
452
Boehm, Jeff
1948 — 355
Boehm, Sidney
1948 — 372
Bogart, Humphrey
1947 — 238
1948—210, 211, 255
Bog-danov, Nicholas
1949—181
Bogdanovich, M. A.
1949 — 414
Bo<;i,qian, Elenore
1943—159, 163
1947 — (see Ellenore
Abowitz)
1949 — 421
Bogosian, E.
1947—89
Bohm, Dr. David Joseph
1951 — 78, 79, 80, 228, 230,
233, 234
Bolmen, Roman
1948—14, 97, 104, 105, 129,
159, 276, 356
1949—688
1951—57, 59
Bohrod, Aaron
1949 — 480, 499
238
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Boilermakers (Union)
1949 — 437
Bola Singh
1953 — 218
Boldt, Howard
1949 — 545
Bolshevism
1945 — 83
1949—229
1951—44, 143, 169, 172
Bombardier, Mrs. Delor
1948 — 15
1949 — 602
Bombay Legislative
Committee
1953 — 230
Bombay Municipal
Corporation
1953—231
Bombay Provincial
Committee
1953 — 231
Bonaparte, Joseph
1948—375
Bond, Ward
1959 — 113
Bonelli, Richard
1948 — 317
Bonetti v. Rogers
1959 — 194
Bonney, Holbrook
1947 — 89
1949 — 425
Bono, Pietro
1943—312
Bonte, Plorimonds
1949 — 181
Book and Magazine Guild
1948—130
19 5 g 94
Book Find Club
1948 — 49, 120, 392
1949 — 287, 463
Book-of-the-Month Club
1948 — 193
Book Shop Association, The
1949 — 370
Book Union
1948 — 194, 369, 370
1949—287, 492
Book Union Bulletin
1948—224
1949—382
Booknega
1943 — 126
Books Available in Class
Library
1948—199
Boor, Jan
1949—497
Booth, G. Raymond
1948 — 308, 309
Booth, Louis
1948—375
Booth, Marlowe
1955 — 391
Bor, General
1949 — 52
Borace, Borice Z.
1947—204
Borchard, Prof. Edwin M.
1948 — 109, 247
Bordoni, Irene
1948—114
Borensteen, P.
1955—389
Boretz, Allen
1948 — 328, 351
Borgen, Rasmus
1948—386
Borgese, Prof. G. A.
1948 — 271
1949—468
Borich, Frank
1948 — 244
Borisov, Alexander
1953—234
Born, Kenneth
1948 — 151
Borodin, Michael
1949—104
Boroff, David
1959—15, 54
Borough, Reuben W.
1943 — 60, 91, 92
1947—47, 96, 97, 183, 185,
186, 239, 240, 241,
243, 244, 249, 295
1948 — 109, 110, 116, 183-
185, 239, 244, 248,
255, 257, 267, 272,
346, 355, 375, 376
1949 — 147, 435, 436, 470,
478, 688
Borowski, Irene
1949—549
Borz, George V.
1948 — 374
Bosant Singh
1953—218
Bose, Ras Bari
1953—214
Bose, Subhas Chandra
1953 — 214, 215, 221
Bosse, A. G.
19 49 179
Boston Communist Party
1948 — 326
1949—322, 375
Boston Chronicle
1948—224
1949—547
Boston School of Social
Science
1949 — 287
Boston University
1948 — 264
Boswell, Charles
1948—356
Boswell, Rev. Hamilton
194S— 106, 160 _
Botkin, B. A. (Benjamin A.)
1949_480, 488, 489, 499,
509, 513, 516, 525,
529, 534, 535, 537,
543
Bouche, Louis
1948 — 262
Boucher, Anthony
1948—342
1949—429, 432, 688
Boudin, Leonard B.
1948 — 377
Boudin, Louis B.
194S^_114, 151, 196, 270,
328, 331
Boulanger, Nadia
1948—317
Bourk-White, Margaret
1948—199, 238
Boutte, Oliver
1947—96
Bowden, Marie
1955—388, 391
Bowen, Mildred
1947 — 279, 2S0, 307
1948—214
Bowers, Max
19 48—9 4
1949 — 554
Bowie, Jean L.
1948 — 271, 328
1949 — 468
Bowie, W. Russell
1948— 248, 327, 351
1949—449
Bowman, Henry
1947—324, 331
Bowman, J. Herbert
1953—153
Bowman, Leroy E.
194S— 333
Bowron, Mayor Fletcher
1943—106, 109
1947 — 51, 57, 58, 250
1948—260, 261
1949 — 695
1951 — 25
1953 — 132
Boy Scouts of America
1948 — 180
1951—9
Boyce High School
1959 — 54
Boyce, Howard
1947 — 71
Boycott Japanese Goods
Conference
1948—96, 147
Boyd, Roger
1955—390
Boyd, Rose
1943 — 152, 154, 155, 166
1955 — 111, 112, 193, 194,
195, 196, 197, 198
Boyd, Thomas
1945 — 121
Bovd, Vischner
1955—193
Bovd, Visscher
1955 — 193, 194
Boyer, Charles
1948 — 211, 255
Bover, Ravmond
1949 — 495, 496
Boyer, Richard O.
1948—340
1949—480, 483, 489, 491,
492, 493, 495, 496,
499, 501, 504, 512,
516, 517, 519, 521,
524, 525, 527, 529,
535, 536, 537, 6S8
Boyer, Sophia Ames
1948 — 278
Boyle, Kay
1949 — 480, 499, 509, 537
Boyles, Paul
1947—163
1948 — 282-287. 289, 290,
303, 307
Boynton, Ray
1948 — 248
Bozzani, Amerigo
1947 — 96
Braber, Peter
1957—28
Braden, Dr. M. H.
1943 — 127
Bradford, Ann
1948 — 228-230
1949—457
Bradley, Rev. Dwight
1948—328
Bradley, George
1945 — 137
1947—67, 105
1949—419, 549
Bradley, Dr. Harold
1948 — 171
Bradley, Prof. Lyman R.
1947 — 267
1948 — 269, 350, 353, 376
1949 — 449
Bradley, General Omar
1947—105
Bradshaw, Allan J.
194S— 15
Bradsher, Mary
1948 — 215
Bradv, Anna Mae
1948—95
Brady, Bernard
1953 — 129
Brady, Robert A.
1947—78, 79
1948—4. 6, 144, 151, 176,
193, 249, 310
1949 — 424
INDEX
239
Brasin, J. George
1948—104
Brainin, Joseph
1949 — 480, 491
Brameld, Prof. Theodore
1949—480, 484, 4S8, 499,
508, 524, 527, 535
Bramson, Mary McCall
1955 — 436, 444, 445, 446
Bramstedt
1949 — 24
Branch v. Cahill
1949 — 246
1943 — 114
Branch, James
1943 — 114
Branchi, Camille
1943—306
Brand, Millen
1945 — 127
1947 — 106, 141
1948 — 132, 162, 163, 208,
357 389
1949— 480! 4S4, 488, 489,
499, 501, 502, 503,
504, 505, 508, 509,
511, 512, 513, 517,
520, 522, 524, 525,
527, 528, 530, 534,
536, 537
Brand, Phoebe
194S — 97, 104, 356
Brandeis, Justice
1949—568
Brandeis University
1953—200
Brandhove, William P. M.
1947 — 150. 161, 167
1948—8, 281
1949 — 68?, 696, 697
Brando, Jos°lyn
1949 — 480
Brando, Marlon
1949 — 480, 499, 529
Brandon. Henry
1948—356
Brandt, Janet
1948 — 356
Branham, Lucy G.
1948 — 357
Brannan, Eleanor
194S — 151, 333
Branson, Clive
1949—555
Bransten, Louise R.
1943 — 60, 96. 97, 176
1948 — 111, 163, 208, 358
1949 — 456, 484, 547, 688
1951—231, 235, 238, 255
1953—207, 272
Brant. Carl
1943—60. 83, 135, 145-147
1947—96
1948 — 183
1949—146, 688
1955—390
Brant. John
1953 — 127
1959—54
Branton, Leo
1957—142
Branton, Leo, Jr.
1953 — 92
1955 — 187, 190, 191, 192,
197, 198, 201, 202,
204, 205, 331
1959 — 185
Brasher, Vance
1945—169-171
Bratsky, Vestnik
1949 — 181
Braus, Ann
1948—210
Braus, Moe
1948—210
Braverman, Harry
1948—239, 35S, 375
1949 — 435
Braverman, Mrs. Harry
1948 — 184
Brav, Justice
1959 — 206
Break Relations With Spain
1948 — 139
Break Relations With Spain
Rallv
1948—102
Brecher, Irving
1947 — 239
1948 — 251, 255
Breckenridge, Sophronisba
P.
1948 — 113, 114, 151, 201,
322, 328, 350, 351
1949—688
1953 — 175, 177, 280, 281
Breeden, Wilmer
1943 — 60
Brecroff, Betty
1948 — 179
Breiman, Leo
1948—184
Breines, Simon
1948—322
Breit, Harvey
1943 — 152
Breitman, George
1957 — 113
Brennan, Mrs. Alice
1947—313
Bressler, Joseph
1959 — 55
Bretton, Woods
1949—75
Breuer, Bessie
1945 — 127
Brewer, James L.
1948—271
1949 — 449, 468
Brewer, Roy
1955—383
1959 — 113
Brewer, Roy M.
1948 — 15
Brewster, Dorothy
1945 — 127
1949 — 480, 483, 489, 499,
502, 503, 504, 508,
509, 512, 514, 516,
517, 519, 520, 521,
524, 525, 527, 528,
529, 530, 531, 532,
534, 536, 537, 545
195 9 — 185
Bricker, Al
1955—391
Bricker, Dotty
1955 — 391
Bridges Defense Committee
1948 — 34, 55, 61, 248
1949—290
Bridges, B. W.
1948—94
1949—554
Bridges, Harry R.
1943—100, 197, 225, 234,
284, 294, 296, 297
1945—147, 195, 196
1947—09, 101, 163, 170
189, 190, 202, 210,
219
1948 — 62, 117, 118, 122,
133, 176, 216, 219,
285, 324, 332, 363,
365, 375, 383
1949—90, 105, 146, 251,
265, 268, 277, 279,
284, 289, 290, 314,
342, 349, 363, 364,
407, 420, 451, 452,
458, 454, 455, 470,
504, 541, 633, 634,
688
1951 — 179, 260, 263, 281,
1953 — 63, 131, 175, 190,
259, 272
1955 — 130, 135, 418
1959 — 96, 108, 109, 195
Bridges, Lloyd
1948 — 97, 104, 127, 356
Bridges v. California
1949—568
1953 — 181
Bridges v. Wixon
1949 — 245
Bridges Victory Committee
1948—34, 54
1949 — 290
Bridgman, Prof. Olga
1948—112
Brief on Communism
1955 — 143
Briehl, Marie
1949 — 428, 432
Brier, J.
1948—268
1949 — 464
Briggs, A. Stafford
1948 — 358
Briggs, Cyril
1948 — 266, 333
1949 — 279, 548
Briggs, Marian
1948 — 211
Bright, John
1943 — 207, 210, 217
1945—182, 193
1948—215, 256, 375
Bright, Josephine
1945 — 193
Brill, Goldie
1948 — 179
Brin, Mrs. Arthur
1948 — 320
Brinton, Dr. Christian
1948 — 248
Brisbane, D. Harding
1959—185
Brisker, Sidney H.
1955—391
Brissenden, Prof. Paul P.
1948—109, 265, 377
British Communist Party
1949—172, 173
British Empire Communist
Party Conference
1953 — 232
British Labor Party
1949 — 692
1951 — 279
British Liberal Party
1951—279
British Reds
1948—326
British Royal Commission
1955 — 393, 394
Britton, Gertrude Howe
1948—375
Brockway, Harold
1948 — 383
Brockwav, Howard
1948 — 330
Brod, Mrs. Leon
1948 — 146
Brodetsky, Julian
1948—171, 317
Brodeur, Dr. Arthur G.
1947 — 7S, 79, 88, 93
1948—144, 185, 216
1949 — 424, 425
1953 — 259
Brodeur, Mrs.
1953 — 252
Brodie, William H.
1947—96
240
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Brodin, Virginia
1953 — 104
Brodsky, John R.
1948 — 390
Brodsky, Joseph R.
1948 — 151, 167, 194, 196,
265, 26S, 328, 33 1,
1949—449! 450, 464, 520,
540, 688
1951 — 93, 260, 261
Brodsky, Merle
1947—75
194S — 214, 343
1955 — 407, 408
Brodsky, Vera
1948 — 311
Brody, Alter
1948 — 270
Brodv, Samuel
1948 — 270, 278
Brody, William
1959 — 99
Broekman, David
194S — 311
Brogden, Samuel L.
1943—253, 275, 281
Brogan, Colm
1959 — 11, 15
Bromberg, J. Edward
1943—148
1947 — 191
194S — 14, 104-106, 356
1949 — 480, 489, 499, 501,
503, 508, 509, 510,
513, 516, 517, 528,
1951— 5S, 59, 271
Bromfield, Louis
1945 — 127
1947 — 288
1948—234, 271, 276, 322
Broms, Allan S.
1948 — 142
Bronfman, Harry
1955 — 389
Bronfman, Sema
1955 — 389
Bronner, James
1948 — 375
Bronson, Howard
1948 — 317
Bronson, Dr. Oliver H.
1948 — 109, 110, 352
Bronstein, Lev
1953 — 28
Bronsten, Sedov
1943 — 150
Bronx Victory Labor
Committee
1949—287
Brook, Alexander
1948—330
Brookhaven National
Laboratory
1949 — 495
Brooklyn College
1948 — 339
1951—10, 277
1955 — 233
1959—53, 54, 55
Brooklyn Communist Party
1947 — 191
Brooks, Alfred J.
1949 — 179
Brooks, David
1948 — 240
Brooks, Dorothy
1948—179
Brooks, Geraldine
1948 — 210
Brooks, Gwendolyn
1947—106
Brooks, Katie
1948—62
1949—470
Brooks, Miriam — see also
Sherman, Miriam
Brooks
1943—164
1948—230, 315, 316
1949—459
Brooks, Richard
1948—210, 211, 241
Brooks, Van Wyck
1945 — 126, 127
194S — 109, 113, 114, 179,
248, 262, 323, 324,
327, 328, 330, 352,
354, 389, 391
1951—56, 92, 93
Broom, The
1943 — 240
Brophy, John
1948—107
Brostoff, Jack L.
1947 — 180
Brotherhood of Locomotive
Engineers
1949 — 437
Brotherhood of Locomotive
Engineers Auxiliary
1949 — 437
Brotherhood of Locomotive
Firemen and Engineers
1947—90, 101, 241
1949 — 437, 438
Brotherhood of Locomotive
Firemen and Engine-
men Auxiliary
1949 — 437
Brotherhood of Man
1948 — 192
Brotherhood of Painters,
Decorators and Paper-
hangers of America
1948 — 214
Brotherhood of Railroad
Trainmen Auxiliary
1949—437
Brotherhood of Railway
Carmen
1949 — 437
Brotherhood of Railway
Trainmen
1947 — 233
1949 — 437
Brotsky, Allan
1956 — 402
Broun, Heywood
1948—181, 239, 244, 351'
Browder, Carl
1945 — 121, 136, 155
Browder, Earl
1943 — 13, 19, 21, 25, 32,
35, 91, 121, 122
1945 — 123, 154
1947 — 8-10, 20, 21, 24-32,
36-38, 46, 63, 64,
68, 71, 83, 222,
225-228, 368
1948 — 7, 9, 29, 33, 91, 94,
99, 104, 118, 122,
125, 136, 148, 151,
153, 155, 157, 163,
176, ISO, 214, 234,
244, 245, 266, 273,
333, 337, 351, 364,
379, 385
1949—62, 94, 95, 96, 97,
99, 129, 157, 159,
160, 165, 168, 170,
171, 173, 174, 176,
177, 178, 179, 185,
199, 201, 219, 224,
267, 274, 278, 279,
284, 291, 295, 340,
342, 347, 368, 370,
406, 416, 417, 420,
422, 440, 449, 451,
452, 453, 454, 455,
465, 467, 471, 520,
521, 553, 556, 613,
688, 693, 705
1951 — 13, 59, 94, 260, 262
1953—58, 59, 60, 61, 63,
69, 70, 71, 72, 73,
136, 137, 172, 174,
175, 208, 227, 238
1955—195, 279, 280, 399,
450
1957—80, 91
1959— IS, 23, 126, 148
Browder, Mrs. Earl
1953—241
Browder, Raisa Irene
1949 — 173, 452
Browder-Shachtman debate
1957 — 76
Brower, Dr. Arthur
1947 — 239
Brown, Dr. Adelaide
1948—144
Brown, Archie
1943—60, 75, 76, 176, 284,
294, 295
1947 — 294, 305
194S — 94, 213, 343
1949 — 554, 688, 692
1951 — 24
Brown, Arthur
1948 — 94
1949—554
Brown, Barney
1943—145, 147, 159, 164
1951—83
Brown, Benjamin
1948—94
1949—554
Brown, Bob
1945 — 121
1948 — 274
1949—472
Brown, Charles
1947—179
1948 — 383
1949 — 491
Brown, Charlotte Hawkins
1948 — 186, 198, 208, 227,
228, 230, 328, 351,
352
1949 — 449, 455-458, 562
Brown, Cleophas
1947 — 304
Brown, Cleophus
1953 — 261
1955—320, 388, 390, 391
Brown, Constantine
1949—118
Brown, David
1955 — 343, 385, 386
Brown, Edgar G.
1947 — 293, 294
Brown, Edmund G.
1953 — 78, 79
1959 — 31, 39, 204, 207
Brown, Eloise Steele
1953—248, 262, 263, 282
Brown, Essie
1955—422
Brown, Eugene Wadsworth,
Dr.
1943 — 356, 361, 382
Brown, Fred
1949 — 173
Brown, Giles
1951 — 229
Brown, Grace
1943 — 158
Brown, Gus O.
1947 — 96
1948—221
Brown, Prof. Harold C.
1948 — 226, 248, 271, 322,
328, 358, 377
1949 — 468, 622
INDEX
241
Brown, Harry
1947 — 71, 244
1949 — 422
1955—459
Brown, Harry P. M.
1955—459
Brown, Herman
1948 — 383
Brown, Hy
1948 — 94
1949—554
Brown, I.
1959 — 97
Brown, Prof. J. F.
1948 — 271
1949 — 468
Brown, James
1947—155
Brown, John
1948—356
Brown, Major Jose Prez
1947 — 340, 342, 352
Brown, L. B.
1948 — 198
Brown, L. E.
1948 — 15
Brown, Lee D.
1948 — 259
Brown, Lucy
1949 — 480
Brown, Martin T.
1948 — 233
Brown, Mavme
1949 — 546
Brown, Paul
1948—338
Brown, Phil
1948 — 97, 104, 356
Brown, Dr. S. S.
1955—391
Brown Shirts
1948 — 206
Brown, Sterling
1945—126
1948—274
1949—471
Brown, Warren
1948 — 186
1949—562
Brown, William B.
1957 — 149
Brown, Bishop William
Montgomery
1948 — 244, 245, 265
1949—688
Brownell, Attorney General
1959 — 139, 142, 195
Brownell, Robert
1943—150, 168-171
Brownlow, Geraldine
1948 — 184
1949—561
Brownstein, George
1948 — 164
Browsky, Joseph R.
1953 — 174, 175
Broy, John
1948—280, 339
1949 — 343
Brovles, Senator
1949—603
Broz, Josip
1955—394
Broz, Marshal Joseph (Tito)
1949—124
Bruce, Virginia
1948 — 251
Bruch, Bella
1948 — 146
Bruck, Chuck
1948—188
1949—563
Bruck, Murray
19 48 — 355
Bruckman, Dr. Jacob S.
1955—79, 288, 367, 374
Bruckman, Sidney
1955—289
Brudney, Goodman
1951—280
1953—252, 256, 257
Brudney, Ruth
1953—255, 256, 257
Brueck, Karl C.
1948 — 15
Brum, Henry
1948 — 211
Brumbaugh, Rev.
Thoburn T.
1949 — 480, 499, 507, 512
Bruner, Lucile
1949—480
Brunin, Saul
1948 — 163
Bruschera, Mrs. Carola
1943 — 284, 297, 314
Bryan, Al
1943—140, 141, 159
1947—65
1949 — 418
Bryan, Ella
1948 — 15
Bryan, Helen R.
1948 — 151, 152, 168, 270,
350, 376
1949 — 468
Bryan, Julian
1948 — 244
Bryant, Drayton
1953—105, 106
Bryant, Jean
1953—259
Brvce, Cornelia
1948 — see Mrs. GilTord
Pinchot
Brvson, Hugh
1947 — 149, 151, 1G0,
163-166
1948—62, 185, 200, 281,
288, 289-291, 298,
307, 308, 343, 351
1949 — 146, 470, 688
1951—57, 264, 272, 275,
276, 278, 280, 281
1955 — 2, 5, 14, 46
1959 — 30, 34, 96, 97, 133
Buaken, Manuel
1948—114
Buchanan, Charles P.
1949 — 548
Buchanan, David W.
1948—185
Buchanan. Larry
1943 — 160
Bucharin, N.
1949 — 234, 235
Buchman, Harold
1948 — 244
Buchman, Sidney
1945 — 116, 117, 127
1948—97. 105, 171, 189,
211, 251, 254, 258,
310, 358
1951 — 53
1953 — 172
Buchman, Mrs. Sidnev
1948—250, 255
Buchwald, Nathaniel
194S — 278
Buck, Jessie
1949—429, 431
Buck, Jessie Elliott
1947—89, 91
1949 — 425
Buck, Pearl S.
194S— 198, 324, 358
1949—688
Buck, Dr. Phillip W.
194S— 185
Buckman, Alfred L.
1948 — 146, 149
Buckman, Beatrice
1948 — 250
Buckman, David
1947 — 227
Buckman, Harold
1948 — 257, 372
Buckmaster, Henrietta
1948—113, 114, 168, 227,
228, 230, 270
1949 — 456, 457, 458, 480,
484, 489, 499, 501,
503, 505, 506, 509,
512, 513, 514, 515,
516, 517, 521, 522,
525, 526, 529, 530,
531, 534, 536, 537,
547, 688
Budenz, Lewis F.
1951—55, 262, 268, 282,
283
Budenz, Louis
1947 — 31
1948 — 176
1949—2, 62, 96, 231, 451,
484, 678
1953 — 140, 174, 175
Budenz, Louis F.
1955—43, 366, 438
1959—27, 126, 183
Budiselick, Ann
1948 — 113
Buerkle, John G.
1943 — 240
Bufano, Benjamino
1948 — 144, 389
Bufano, Reno
1948—378
Building a Neio Life
1957 — 135
Building America
1948 — 326
1949 — 539, 540
Building America Series
1953—150, 151
Building Service Employees
International Union
1947—67
1949 — 419
Building Trades Council
1947 — 80
Buja Singh
1953 — 218
Bukharin, Nicholas
1953—21, 44, 48, 53, :>7,
156
Bukharin, Nikolai
1943—36
1947—13, 21
1949 — 162
Bulcke, Germain (Ger-
maine)
1948 — 249, 268
1949 — 464, 688
1953—172
Bulganin
1953—45
1957—96
Bulgaria
1951—142
Bulgarian Agrarian Party
1949 — 118
Bulgarian-American
Committee
1949 — 414
Tlidq-er, Mrs. Fanny
I Tt 4 S — 194
Bulletin. The (Chapter 25)
II 17 — 206, 207, 209
194S— 126
1949 — 547
1957 — 94
Bulletin of Congress of
American Women
1948 — 224
Hull. 'tin ou Kducation
1948 — 224
1949 — 549
Bullitt, Ambassador
1947—226
242
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Bunche, Dr. Ralph
1951 — 290
Buncheck, Zarko M.
1948 — 113
Bunyard, Lolita
1948—185
Buran, Joe
1955 — 389
Burbank, Elizabeth
1948 — 278
Burbridge, Edward
1953—284, 285
Burchfleld, C. E.
1948 — 330
Burdick, Virginia
194S — 170
Bureau of Cultural
Relations (Moscow)
1948 — 107
Bureaus of Mankind United
1943 — 225, 361
Burford, James H.
1943 — 60, 84, 138, 139,
159, 160, 163, 182
1948 — 62, 203
1949 — 147, 437, 470, 688
Burge, Frances
1943—138
Burgess and MacLean
1955 — 401
Burgess Case
1957 — 80
Burgess, Prof. E. W.
1948 — 323
Burgin, Richard
1949—480, 489, 530
Burgum, Edwin Berry
1947 — 106
1948—392
1949 — 480, 488, 498, 502,
504, 507, 508, 509,
511, 512, 514, 516,
517, 520, 521, 522,
524, 525, 526, 527,
528, 531, 534, 536,
537, 549
Burke, Bee
1943 — 132, 145
Burke, Bob
1948 — 186
1949 — 563
Burke, Carroll
1948—383
Burke, E. F.
1945—148
1947 — 78, 151, 154, 164
1949 — 424
1953 — 64
Burke, Ed
1948—289
Burke, Fielding
1945 — 121, 126
1948 — 194, 248, 273, 389
1949 — 471
Burke, Frieda
1948—266
Burke, J. Frank
1943 — 61, 151, 382
Burke, J. Vernon
1948 — 185, 249
1953 — 93
Burke, Jack
1947 — 180
Burke, Kenneth
1945—121, 126, 127
1948 — 274
1949 — 472
Burke, Libby
1951 — 206
1955 — 387
Burke, Paul
1948 — (see Victor
Berton)
Burke, Robert
1948—178
Burke, Robert E.
1959—18
Burke, Senator
1948 — 257
Burke, Sid
1943 — 134, 136, 141, 154
1947 — 73, 74, 75
1948 — 213, 342, 343
1949 — 545, 688
Burke, Sidney
1953 — 95
Burke-Wadsworth Con-
scription Bill
1948 — 160, 332
1949 — 541
Burks, Genola
1953—279, 282
Burlap, Anne
1948 — 244
Burlin, Paul
1949 — 480, 499, 503, 537
Burlingame, Richard G.
1949 — 480
Burlingham, C. C.
1948—357
Burliuk, David
1949 — 480, 489, 499, 522,
527, 531, 533, 535,
537
Burnham, Grace
1948 — 196
Burnham, Louis E.
1948 — 113, 188, 201, 338
1949 — 449, 563
Burns, Eimle
1949 — 78, 191
1953 — 241
Burns, Eveline M.
1948 — 198
Burns, George
1948 — 255
Burns, Hugh M.
1943 — 5, 6
1945—5
1947—4, 372
1948—3, 4, 13
1949—1, 7, 8, 603
1951 — 1
1959—156, 168, 203
Burns, James B.
1948 — 381
Burns, Leola
1948 — 203
Burns, Mary
1953 — 20
Burns. Milt
1948 — 95
Burns. Patrick
1953 — 79, 111, 114, 115
1955—454
Burns, Robert, Jr.
1948 — 356
Bums v. United States
1949—572
Burnshaw, Stanley
1948 — 274
1949—471
Buroki, Ben
1948 — 378
1949—557
Burr, Anne
1948 — 132
Burr, Jane
1948—328
Burr, Raymond
1948 — 181
Burrige, Eddie
1951 — 25
1953—284
Burrill, Alexander
1949—202
Burrough, Reuben
1955 — 112, 327
Burroughs, Abram
1947 — 72
1948—261
Burroughs, Williana
1949 — 179
Burrows, Abe
1947 — 239
1948 — 254, 255, 355
Bursler, Norman
1 95 9 -172
Burstein, Rabbi Elliot M.
1947 — 241
1948 — 216, 358
1949—436
Burt, Betty
1955 — 391
Burt, Mrs. Charles D.
1948—15
1949—602
Burt, Sam
1949—448
Burt, Struthers
1948—330
Burt, Yetta
1955 — 391
Burton, Bernard
1948—233
1955—460
Burton, Charles W.
1948 — 151
Burton, Justice
1959—141
Burton, Roma
1948—210
Burton, Val
1947—73, 96
Burtt, Prof. E. A. (Edwin
A.)
1949—480, 499, 504, 510,
512, 517, 521
Bury The Dead
1943—138
1948 — 96
Busbey, Congressman Fred
E.
1948—380
Busch, Adolph
1949 — 480, 499, 503
Busch, Benjamin
1948 — 151
Bushido
1945—49, 52
Bushnell, Donna
1953 — 259
Bushnell, Jack
1953—259
Bussell, J. E.
1949—437
Bussio, Margaret
1948 — 375
Butkovich, John D.
1948—151
1949—413, 414
Butler, Dr. Alan
1955 — 107
Butler, Dr. Allan M.
1949 — 4S0, 483, 489, 499,
507, 509, 513, 531
Butler, B.
1955 — 389
Butler, Charles
1948—338
Butler, Hugo
1948—372
Butler, J. P.
1948 — 15
Butler, Rev. W. Fay
1948 — 358, 377
Butte County Grand Jury
1947 — 350, 353
Buttenweiser, Helen
1948 — 375
Butterman, Ernest
194S — 356
Butterworth, Joseph
1953 — 139, 201, 303, 206
1957 — 10, 11
Buttrick, George A.
1948—320
INDEX
243
Buzzell, J. W.
1943 — 61
Byelo
194S — 177
Byers, A.
1955—389
Bynner, Witter
1948 — 389
1949 — 480
1951 — 271, 281
Byrd, Rear Admiral Rich-
ard E.
1957—34
Byrne, James T.
1948 — 164
Bvrne, Norman
1943 — 96, 144, 157, 158
1948—164
1949 — 6S8
Byrnes, James F.
1947—155, 198, 268, 274
1949—28, 40, 42, 43, 65
73, 122
1957—112
C. I. O. — See also Congress
of Industrial Organiza-
tions
C. I. O. Council
1959 — 20
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Baltimore
1959 — 94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Bridgeport
j 95 9 94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Chicago
1959 — 94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Cleveland
1959—94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Greater New York
1959 — 94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Los Angeles
1959 — 94, 98
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Milwaukee
1959 — 94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Portland
1959—94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Queens
1959—94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of San Francisco
1959 — 94
C. I. O. Industrial Council
of Seattle
1 g 5 9 9 4
C. I. O. State Industrial
Council of California
1959 94
C. I. O. State Industrial
Council of Connecticut
1959—94
C. I. O. State Industrial
Council of Texas
1959 — 94
C. I. O. State Industrial
Council of Washington
1959 — 94
C. I. O. State Industrial
Council of Wisconsin
1959 — 94
C. P. U. S. A.— See Com-
munist Party, United
States
Cabot, Dr. Hugh
1948 — 322
Cabral, Manuel
1943—60, 176, 188
Cabrera, Martin
1945 — 205-207
Cacchione, Peter V.
1948—196, 226, 386
1949 — 624
Cadden, Joseph
1948—114, 151, 162, 163,
Cadel, David
1953 — 257
Cadillac Cabinet
1957 — 78
Cagney, James
1948 — 23S, 244, 262
Cahiers Du Communisme
1949 — 174
1957 — 91, 96
Cahill, Herbert
1948 — 356
1949—246
Cahn, Dr. Ephraim
1959 — 185
Cain, Jim
1947— 2S8
1948 — 189, 372
Calahan, Pat
1943 — 144
Calcutta Telephone
Exchange
1953—237
Calcutta University
1953 — 231
Caldecott, Rev. Ernest
1945 — 143
1947 — 185
1948—115, 184, 350
1949 — 634, 688
1951 — 276
1955 — 3S3
Calder, Viola
1948 — 193
Caldor, Peter
1951 — 287
Caldwell, Erskine
1948 — 194, 238, 273, 326,
330
1949 — 471, 540
Caldwell, Frank
1948 — 320
Caldwell, Josephine
1948—356
Caldwell, Malcolm
1948 — 161
Caldwell, Orville
1948 — 309
1949 — 691, 695
Calhern, Louis
1948 — 216, 262
California Action Confer-
ence for Civil Rights
1947—190, 191
1948 — 191
California American
"Veteran's Committee
1951—288
California Association of
Colored Women
1953 — 284
California Association of
Colored Women's Clubs
1949—438
1951— 2S9
California Assn. of Private
Investigators, Inc.
1948—16
California Association of
School Administrators
1953—211
California Attorney General
1951 — 75
California Chiropractic
Assn.
1948 — 18
California Civil Defense
Agency
1955 — 147, 14S
California Committee for
Equal Employment Op-
portunities
1957 — 124
California Committee for
Political Unity
1949—288
California Committee for
Radio Freedom
1947—186, 190
California Committee of
Bar Examiners
1959 — 192
California Committee of
One Hundred for Po-
litical Unity
1959—18
California Communist
Party
1943 — 116
1947 — 21, 28, 89
1948—29, 60, 79, 104, 105,
106
1949 — 90, 94, 97, 138, 293,
306, 364, 424, 425,
549
1951—37, 84, 161, 169, 174,
180, 198, 209, 246
1953—5, 75, 77, 207, 262,
279
1959 — 17, 18, 25, 30, 31,
32, 33, 37, 39, 40,
44, 154, 171, 178,
181, 182, 209, 217
California Communist
Party, Chairman
1951—37
California Communist
Party Committee
1951 — 260
California Communist
Political Association
1951 — 84
California Conference for
Democratic Action
1947—170
1949 — 288
California Congress of In-
dustrial Organization
Council
1947—71, 72, 92, 101, 210
1949 — 421, 422, 424, 437,
475
1951 — 193, 194, 195, 196
California Defense and
Security Corps
1951—3
California Eagle, The
1947—67, 79, 89, 93
1948—49, 120, 137, 203,
221, 224, 346
1949 — 383, 419, 424, 54S
1951—25, 250, 255, 256,
267
1953—284
1955—136, 422
California Emergency De-
fense Committee
1953—277, 2S2
California Farm Bureau
Federation
194S— 15, 17, 19
California Federation of
Government Employees
1943 — 137, 141
California Federation of
Teachers
1953—272
244
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
California Federation of
Women's Clubs
1953—285
California Hospital
1955—101
California Housing and
Planning Commission
1947—209
1948 — 195
California Institute of
Technology
1949 — 477
1951—276
1953 — 100, 133
1957—130
1959 — 186
California Insurance
Commission
1959 — 134
California Joint Fact-Find-
ing Committee on Un-
American Activities
1949 — 484, 489
1959 — 130, 131
California Junior High
School
1947 — 240
California Labor Herald
1949 — 181
California Labor School
1947 — 47, 64, 71, 72, 79-90,
92, 94, 95, 99-105,
109, 145, 154, 156,
159, 160, 163, 210,
211, 213, 265, 277,
306, 369
1948 — 8, 11, 51, 53, 56, 95,
138, 170, 176, 195,
217, 218, 235, 236,
269, 325, 347
1949 — 288, 415, 416, 422,
423, 424, 425, 426,
427, 428, 429, 430,
432, 539, 543, 558,
559, 623, 635, 705
1951 — 28, 63, 64, 95, 133,
161, 258, 267, 277
1953—1, 76, 104, 105, 117,
197, 223, 247, 250,
251, 252, 254, 260,
262, 266, 267, 268,
269, 272, 274, 276,
277
1955—52, 88, 181, 182,
187, 202, 203, 233,
403, 404, 421
1957 — 109, 133
1959—39, 48, 132, 137,
184, 185
California Labor School
Chorus
1953 — 253
California Labor School,
Director of
1951 — 64
California Labor School,
Oakland
1953 — 253, 258
California Labor School,
Los Angeles
1959—16, 208
California Labor School,
San Francisco
1959 — 16, 184
California Labor School,
Southern Branch ; see
also People's Educa-
tional Center
1951 — 258
California Labor's Non-
partisan League
1959—17
California Law Review
1955 — 49
California League of Hous-
ing Authorities
1953 — 83
California Legislative
Conference
1948 — 38, 60, 62, 63, 195
1949 — 288, 435, 436, 438,
470, 629
1951 — 253
1953 — 1, 104, 118, 284
1955 — 4, 453, 454
California Legislative
Counsel
1949—8
California Legislative Joint
Fact-Finding Com-
mittee
1949 — 654
California Legislature
1959 — 9, 10, 17, 23, 27, 29,
37, 58, 59, 71, 78,
80, 83, 157, 199,
219
California Lutheran
Hospital
1955—98, 101
California Manufacturers
Assn.
1948—18, 19
California Newspaper
Publishers Assn.
1948 — 19
California Osteopathic
Assn.
1948—15-18
1955—286
California Peace Officers
Association
1959 — 156
California People's Legis-
lative Conference
1959 — 22, 34
California Political Action
Committee
1947—101
California Real Estate As-
sociation
1953 — 114
California Relief
Administration
1948—157
California Senate Commit-
tee on Education
1953 — 272
California Senate Commit-
tee on Un-American
Activities
1949—9, 257, 479, 675
California Sentinel
194S — 139
California Staats-Zeitung
1943 — 233, 242
California Stage for Action
1948-392
California State Assembly
1959 — 132
California State Assn. of
Life Underwriters, Inc.
1948 — 16-18
California State Bar
Association
1951 — 260, 261
1955 — 144
1959—127, 130, 135, 188
California State Board of
Education
1947 — 326, 328, 330, 341,
348, 349, 353, 371
California State Chamber
of Commerce
1948 — 16-19
California State Employees
Association
1951—75
California State Federation
of Labor
1947 — 80, 81, 87
1948—10
1949—288
California State Industrial
Union Council
1948 — 160, 163
California State Medical
Association
1955—85, 91, 107, 115,
128, 129, 154, 210
California State Medical
Association, House of
Delegates
1955 — 101
California State Selective
Service Director
1951 — 233
California Technical
Institute
1948—182
1949—560
California Union of
Progressive Veterans
1951 — 288
California Youth
Legislature
1943 — 96
1947 — 209
1948 — 160, 195
1949 — 288
1955—420
1959 — 20
California-Washington Leg-
islative Committees on
Un-American Activities
1949 — 599
Callahan, W. E. Con-
struction Co.
1945 — 18
Callan, Bill
1955—36
Callbeck, Helen
194S — 279, 280
Callender, Frank
1948—210
Caller, Fay
1948 — 186
1949 — 562
Calloway, I. Warner
194S — 220
Calloway, Marie
1948—220
Calmer, Alan
1945—121, 126
1948—273
1949 — 179, 471
Calstate Publications
1955 — 435, 462
Cambridge People's Voice
1949 — 383
Cameron, Angus
1949 — 480, 489, 491, 499,
505, 507, 512, 513,
517, 532, 536
Cameron, Dudley A.
1947 — 89
1948—201
1949 — 425
Cammer, Harold I.
1948 — 272
Camp Arcadia
1949 — 288
Camp Lordsburg
1943 — 349
Camp, Russell
1947—58
Campbell, Alan
1948 — 250
Campbell, Mayor Chas.
1948—4, 7
Campbell, Earl
1947—152
INDEX
245
Campbell, George
1947—51, 54, 55, 179, 180,
1S6, 188, 241, 260-
262
194S — 198, 202, 239, 251,
255, 259, 311, 317
1949—435, 436
Campbell, Hugh
1947—73
Campbell, John A.
1955—422,423
Campbell, Margaret
1948—311, 313
Campbell, Mary
194S— 377
Campbell, Ruby D.
1948 — 277, 278
Can Our Ballots Stop
Bullets
1948 — 154
Canadian Communist
Party
1951 — 89
Canadian Friends of the
Chinese People
1948 — 144
Canadian Institute of
Technology
1955 — 404
Canadian League Against
War and Fascism
1943 — 93
1948 — 150
Canadian League for Peace
and Democracy
1948—150
Canadian Royal
Commission
1949—496
1955 — 394
Canales, Gilbert
1955— 3S8, 390
Canario, Frank S.
1951 — 254
Canby, Dr. Henry Seidel
1948 — 109, 262, 330
Cannaday, George E.
1951—267
Cannady, Camille
1948 — 356
Cannery and Agricultural
Workers Industrial
Union
1951 — 135
Cannery Workers Union
1959 — 134
Canning, Prof. John B.
1948—328
Cannon, Antoinette
1949—480, 499, 508, 518
Cannon, Dr. George D.
1949 — 480, 489, 499, 508,
514, 519, 530, 531
Cannon, James
1943—36
1948 — 242, 265, 266
1949 — 162, 177
1957 — 84, 85
Cannon, James P.
1959—121
Cannon, Mrs. Myrtle
1948—355
Cannon, Sophie
1951 — 267
Cannon, Walter B.
1948 — 131, 262, 271, 322,
351
1949—468
Cano, Sanin
1951 — 272
Canoga Park High School
1947 — 115, 117, 119, 120,
122, 124, 126, 128,
130, 132-134, 137,
138, 238, 354, 369
1953—110
Canon, James B.
1951—257
Canot, Eddie
1948—210
Canseco, Rev. M. C.
1948 — 375
Cantor, Eddie
1948 — 132, 250, 255, 262
Cantor, Mendel
1955—388
Cantwell, Robert
1945 — 121, 126
1948 — 341
Canuck, Johnny
1948 — 342
Camvell, Albert F.
1949—601, 605, 606
Capell, Evelyn
1948 — 278
Capp, David
1948 — 392
Capper, Hon. Arthur
1948 — 323
Capps, McClure
1948 — 210
Capital
1949—21, 190, 191, 203
1953—21, 22, 23, 25, 224
Capitalism
1945—70, 71
Capitalist and the
Oppressed Masses
Caplan, Rabbi Jonah E.
1949 — 480, 489, 499, 507,
511, 513, 519, 524,
527, 532
Capture the Film
1948 — 237
Carabello, Joseph
1955 — 388
Carabello, Sonja
1955 — 388
Cardenas, Gen. Lazaro
1951 — 273, 274
Cardona, Roger
1943 — 217
1945—183
Cardoza Bindery
1943—380
Cardoza, Rabbi D. A.
Jessurun
1949 — 480
Cardoza, P. J.
1943—356, 378, 379
Carev, Bernice
1948 — 343
Carey, James B.
1948 — 113, 151, 162, 179
273
1953 — 174, 176
Carle, Teet
1948 — 251
Carlin, Jeanne
1951 — 229
Carlisle, Harry
1945 — 126
1948 — 389
1949—688
1955 — 323
Carlson, Prof. A. J.
(Anton J.)
1949 — 480, 499, 502, 506,
510, 512, 521
1955 — 392
Carlson, Clarence C.
1947—239-241
1948—62. 241, 355
1949—435, 436, 437
Carlson, Gen. Evans
1953 — 139
Carlson, Lt. Col. Evans
1951 — 53, 264
Carlson, Mrs. Evans
1951—280
Carlson, Col. Evans F.
1947—98, 235, 290, 291,
322
1948—197, 201, 208, 239,
255, 279, 318
1949 — 289, 435
Carlson, Brig. Gen.
Evans F.
1959 — 175
Carlson, Dr. Glen
1947 — 239, 241
1948 — 355
1949 — 436
Carlson, Oliver
1943 — 61
1948 — 104
Carlson, Mrs. Wilma
1947 — 324, 332, 334, 336,
33S, 341, 342, 344,
347, 353, 354
Carmer, Carl
1949—543
Carmon, Walter
1945 — 104, 119
1948 — 273
1949—471
Carmozzi, Marion
1949 — 549
Carnap, Prof. Rudolf
1949 — 480
Carnegie Foundation
1953 — 207
Carney, Jack
1948 — 243
Carnival in Flanders
1948 — 373
Carnovsky, Morris
1948—96, 97, 104, 105,
113, 114, 129, 151,
159, 171, 196, 202,
248, 328, 352, 356,
378, 390
1949—146, 480, 488, 489,
499, 502, 503, 504,
507, 508, 510, 512,
513, 514, 515, 525,
527, 537, 688
1951 — 58, 59, 60, 92, 93,
271
1953 — 174, 176
Caro, Jaco Bina
1943—146, 150
1947—72-74
1948 — 105, 106, 348
1949 — 688
Carp, Sam
1945 — 104
Carpatho Russian-American
Carpatho Russian- Ameri-
can Mutual Aid Society
1949—466
Carpenter, Iris
1948—185
Carpenter's (union)
1949 — 437, 476
Carr, Denzel R.
1959 — 83
Carr, Sam
1949 — 465
1951 — 260
Carr, Wm. C.
1948 — 109
Carrcon, Dr. Reynoldo
1948—15
Carrido, Dr. Luis
1951—272
Carrillo, Rafael
1951 — 274
Carrington, Jack
1948 — 356
Carrol, Mrs. Carrie
1949—437
Carroll, R. G.
1945—33, 34, 116
Carroll, Terry
1948—338
246
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Carroll, Dr. Vincent F.
1948—16
Carroll, Wm.
1948—94
1949—554
Carse, Robert
1948 — 189
Carson, Allan
1953 — 79, 120
Carson, Jules
1947 — 71, 78, 89, 90, 91,
101
1949 — 422, 424, 425, 429,
430, 432
Carson, Mimi
1948 — 358
Carson, Saul
1949—480, 4S6, 499, 509,
510, 513, 515, 537
Carter, Alan
1949 — 480
Carter, Dyson
1948 — 226
1949 — 633
Carter, Edward C.
1947—321
1948—169, 170, 357
1949 — 412
Carter, Mrs. Edward C.
1948 — 131
Carter, Elmer
1951—267
Carter, James
1948 — 206
Carter, James C, Judge
1955—298
Carter, Justice
1955—51
Carter, Marvin
1943 — 153, 164
Cartwright, Jack
1943 — 157
1949 — 177
Carus, Dr. Clayton
1948—171
Carvajol, Jose
1948 — 16
Carver Club
1948 — 214, 259, 280
1957 — 26
Carver Cultural Council
1948 — 392
Casals, Pablo
1948 — 311
Casden, Norman
1949—499
Case and Comment
1959—177
Case, Clair
1951—280
Case, Fox
1945 — 116
Casetta, Mario (Boots)
1949 — 542
Casey, W. B.
1949—437
Cash. Vernon
1948 — 16
Caso, Alfonso
1951—272
Caspary, Vera
1947—179, 189
194S — 97
Cassidv, Harry M.
1948—352
Cassidy, Mary Ann
1948—215
Cassil, Virginia
1959—212
Castelhun Dorothy
1948 — 341
Castle Lodge, Temple Israel
1948—280
Caston, Rev. J. L.
1948 — 333
Castro, Oscar
1949 — 438
Catacklill. Bessie
1948—377
Catholic Daughters
194S— 15-17
Catholic Inter-Racial
Council
19 48—147
Catholic "War Veterans of
the U. S.
194S— 15-19
Catlett, Elizabeth
1949— :. 46
Cattell, J. McKeen
1948 — 24S
Caughlin. John
1951 — 263
Cave, Jack
19 4S— 311
Cavett, Thomas L.
1943 — 7, 61
Caya, Al
1948—257
1949 — 688
Cavla, Florence
1948 — 251
Cavton, Ethel
1947 — 90
Cayton, Revels
1943— S7
1945 — 139, 140
1947—70, 90, 163
194S — 162, 218, 283, 290,
303, 305, 307, 375
1949 — 421, 688
1953—102
1959—209
Cazden, Norman
1949—480, 508, 513, 536
CEC
1949 — 163
Cedars of Lebanon Hospital
1955 — 78, 82, 86, 98, 100,
105, 107, 108, 114,
127, 134, 135, 167,
221, 223, 224, 225,
226, 236, 308, 309,
310, 311, 359
Cedars' Shame
1955—109
Celebration of 15 Tears of
Birobidjan
1949 — 288
Celebration of 15 Tears of
Birobidjan, Soviet
Union Colony
1953 — 173
Celler, Emanuel
1947 — 247
Celler Radio Bill
1947 — 184
Cena, Loco
1943—301
Censored
1948—130
Censored News
1948—5
Centenarv of Marxism, The
1951 — 153
Central Committee of the
Communist Party
194S— 135, 158, 385,
1949 — 398
Central Council of American
Croatian Women
1949 — 288, 289
Central Council of American
Women of Croatian De-
scent
1949—288, 289, 338
Central Intelligence Agency
1951 — 3
Central Labor Council
1947—48-50, 52, 70, 176,
188, 192, 261
Central Labor Council of the
American Federation of
Labor in Los Angeles
1949 — 421
Central Panchayat
1953 — 216
Central Plan Branch of the
Communist Party
1948 — 215
Central Trades and Labor
Council
1953—143
Cerda, Frank
1947 — 91
Cerney, Ed
1947—89
1949—425
Cerney, Isobel
1947 — S9-91
1949 — 428
Centro Anti-Ccmmunista
1943 — 201
Cervantes Fraternal Society
1949—466
Cestare, Frank
194S— 1S6
1949—562
Chabot, Joseph
1947 — 73
Chadwick, John E.
1943 — 176, 191, 192
Chadwick, Martha B.
1948—266
Chaffee, Zachariah, Jr.
1948 — 198, 320
1953 — 175
Chakin, Alfred
1948—179
Challenge
1947 — 225
1948—260
1957—73
Challenge Records
1948 — 392
Chairman, Dr. Robert C.
1949 — 480, 499, 504, 507,
512, 513, 51S, 532
Chalmers, Mrs. Allan
Knight
1948—320
Chamber of Commerce
1948 — 171
1949 — 613
Chamberlain, Ernest R.
1943—109, 110
Chamberlain, Howard
1948 — 356
Chamberlain, Howland
1943 — 135, 145, 147, 150,
164
1951 — 83
1955 — 306
Chamberlain, Rowland
1948 — 315
Chamberlain, Mrs. Selah
1948 — 144
Chamberlin, Rev. Mark A.
1949 — 4S0
Chambers, Pat
1943 — 37
1951—135
Chambers, Tom
1953—259
Chambers, Whitaker
1945—119
1948—266
1949 — 2, 678
1951—90, 183
1953 — 7, 175
1955 — 401
1959—167, 183
Champion
1949—383
1955—88
INDEX
247
Champion, Clyde
1943—87
Champion Labor Monthly
1949—383
Champion of Youth
1948—196, 197, 224, 334,
338
1949 — 313
Champion of Youth
Publishers
1949 — 383
Chan, Bettv
1948—179
Chan, Hansu
1948—143, 198
Chance, Gene
1948—6
Chandler, Ester
1951 — 260
Chandler, Harry
1943—165
Chandler, Dr. Wm. H.
1948—171
Chanan Singh
Chandra, Bipan
1949—429, 430
1951—131, 133, 135, 140,
142, 145, 146, 147,
149
1953—221
Chandra Byean
1957 — 4
Chandra, H.
1953 — 215
Chandra, Ram
1953—214, 220
Chaney, Frances
1948 — 356
Chaney, Prof. Ralph
194S— 144, 160
Chang, Mr.
1947 — 91
Changes in Li Village
1957 — 135
Changing Man
1949—539
Chao Shu-li
1957 — 135
Chapas, Dr. Esther
1951—272
Chapin, Katherine G.
1945 — 127
Chaplin, Charlie (Charles)
1947 — 191
1948—189, 322, 324
1949 — 480, 491, 688
1951—271, 272, 273, 280
1953 — 131
Chaplin, John R.
1948—278
Chaplin, Ralph
1948—265
Chaplin, Sidney
1948 — 356
Chapman, Abraham
1951 — 278
Chapman, Detective
1957 — 47
Chapman, Dr. Emmanuel
1948 — 131, 201
Chapman, Hon. Oscar L.
1948 — 323
Chapman, Ruby V.
2945 34 35
Chappell,' Winifred L.
1948—246, 333
Chari, A. S. R.
1953 — 230
Charles, Andrew
194S— 179
Charles, Lee
1949—635
Charn Singh
1953—216
Charry, Elias
1948—320
Chart, The
1948 — 49, 224
1949 — 383, 545
Charter, Record
1948 — 392
Charter, Steve
1948 — 343
Charters, W. W.
1953 — 151
Chase, Allen
1948—103, 115, 125
1949 — 480, 499, 501, 509,
511, 516
Chase, Borden
1948 — 16
1959—113
Chase, Rev. Don M.
1947 — 242
1948 — 202, 328, 352, 358,
377
1949—436
Chase, Ezra P.
1951—245, 248, 249, 253
Chase, Murray
1948 — 226
Chase, Roy
1948—196
Chase, Russell
1948 — 272, 328
Chase, Stuart
1948—198, 234, 330
1953 — 151
Chasin, Joseph
1955 — 402, 404, 405
1959 — 203
Chasson, Jack
1948—179
Chasson, Jack Armand
1955 — 419, 420
Chatterjee, Prof. M. N.
1949 — 480, 499, 518
Chattopadhayaya,
Harindranath
1953 — 233, 234, 235
Chavez, Carlos
1948 — 317
Cheatham. James R.
1955—324
Cheek, Dr. David Bradley
1947—339, 340, 353
Chekov, Anton
1948 — 96
Chelsea Jewish Children's
School (Mass.)
1949 — 289
Chemical Workers (CIO)
1948 — 204, 205, 206
Chen Neng-kuan
1957—131
Chen, Si Lan
1948 — 198
1955 — 387
Cheney, Ralph
1948—161
Cherbonet, Cal
1948 — 295
Cherin, Rose
1943—125, 126
Chermayeff, Serge
1949 — 180, 483, 499, 503,
527
1951 — 271
Chernenko, Lena ; see also
Scherer, Lena and Da-
vis, Lena
1951—76, 200, 205
1953—208
Chernin, Rose
1948 — 315, 316
1955—279, 284, 328, 344,
1959—123, 124, 125, 126
Chernis, Jay
1948—314
Cheronis, Nicholas
1948—168
Chertoff, Naomi
1948 — 187
1949 — 563
Chevalier, Haakon M., Prof.
1945 — 128
1947 — 313
1948—4, 6, 8, 97, 144, 172,
175, 193, 236, 237
1949—688
1951 — 92, 230, 231, 234,
235, 236, 240, 241,
242, 243
1953—139, 174, 252, 280,
281
1955—432
Chevalier, Zelda
1953—278
Cheyney, J. M.
1948—383
Cheyney, Ralph
1948—270
Chiang Kai-shek
1947 — 291
1948 — 142, 144, 197
1949—104
1951 — 27, 257, 278, 279
1953—229
1955 — 119
1957—127, 128, 129, 132,
133, 136
Chiaurely, Mikhail E.
1949 — 497
Chicaso Action Council
1949 — 289
Chicago AIl-American Anti-
Imperialist League
1948—273
Chicago Civil Liberties
Committee
1949 — 446, 447
Chicago College of Osteop-
athy
1955—233
Chicago Communist Party
1948—95
Chicago Conference on Race
Relations
1947 — 45
Chicago Enterprise
1947—340, 342, 344
Chicago Herald-Tribune
1948—102
Chicago May Day Commit-
tee
1949 — 452
Chieasro Normal College
1953—271
Chicago Peace Mobilization
1948—379
Chicago Star
1948—224
1949 — 383, 482, 535, 543,
546, 586
Chicago Star Publishing Co.,
Inc.
1949 — 546
Chico Board of Education
1947—331, 346-354
Chico High School
1947—323, 326, 340, 342,
3 17. 34S, 353-355,
370
Chico High School PTA
1947—347
Chico Record
1947—344
Chico State College
1947 — 336, 352
Chicareli, Michael
1948—226
Childress, Naomi
1943—157
Childs, Jack
1951—194
248
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Childs, Morris
1948—226, 343
1949 — 180
1 9 53 .71
Chilton, Gordon
1948 — 94
1949—554
China, Achar Singh
1953 — 223
China Aid Council
1948 — 151, 319, 336
1949 — 289, 452, 455, 505
China Aid Council of the
Legion for Peace and
Democracy
1947 — 313
1948 — 319
China Aid News
1948—143
1949—384
China and the Asian-
African Conference
1957 — 139
China-Burma-India
Roundup
1951—24
China, Chinese Communist
Eighth Route Army
1951—53
China, Chinese People's
Communist Government
1951 — 27, 89, 257, 263, 277,
278, 279, 280, 286
China Conference Arrange-
ments Committee
1948 — 197, 198
1951 — 290, 291
China, Land of Many
Nationalities
1957—136
China Pictorial
1957—127
China Reconstructs
1957—132
China Strikes Back
1948 — 247
China Today
1948—143, 144, 198, 224
1949—384
China Today Mass Meeting
1948 — 147
China's Neiv Democracy
1953 — 238, 239
Chinese Academy of
Sciences
1957—130
Chinese-American Bureau
of Research of Los
Angeles
1947 — 72
Chinese Communist Party
1948 — 143
1949—103, 104, 189
Chinese Cultural Cabaret
1953—267
Chinese Democratic Youth
Chorus
1951—277
Chinese National Party
1949—104
Chinese Revolution and the
Communist Party of
China
1953—238
Chinese Student Comes
Home
1957 — 130
Chinese Students
1957 — 135
Chinese Workers March
Toward Socialism
1957—133
Chinese Workers Mutual
Aid Association
1953—267
Chism, Clinton
1951—267
Choates, Edward
1948 — 208, 258
Chodorov, Edward
1949 — 449, 455, 480, 489,
499, 501, 502, 503,
505, 509, 515, 521,
522, 529, 532, 534,
535, 537, 688
1951 — 53, 271
Chodorov, Jerome
1948 — 210
1949 — 480, 489, 499, 501,
506, 509, 510, 513,
515, 517, 535, 537,
688
1953 — 171, 172
Chodorov, Rhea
1948 — 228
Chorazyna, Madam
1949 — 120
Chotzinoff, Sam
1948—311
Chou En-lai
1953—136, 241
1957—126, 131, 139, 140
Chou Li-po
1957 — 135
Chown, Paul
1951 — 280
1953 — 278, 279
Choy, N. T.
1947—96
Christensen, Dr. Helen
1947—239
Christensen, Nels Anchor
1947 — 346-348
Christensen, Parley Parker
1945 — 139, 140
1948 — 198
Christian Century, The
1948—246
1955 — 185
Christian League for Indus-
trial Democracy
1948—336
Christian Labor Party
1949 — 122
Christian, Leo E.
1947—89-91
Christian Register
1948 — 352
1949 — 451
Christian Register, The
1955 — 185
Christian Science Monitor
1947 — 120
1949 — 132
Christians, Mary
1948 — 262
Christiansen, Dr. Helen
1948—355
Christianson, Leo E.
1949 — 425, 429, 431, 432
Christie, Lee
1948—179
Christopher, C. L.
1945 — 165-167
Christopher, Charles
1951— 2S0
Christophorides, D.
1949—109
Christs Church of the
Golden Rule
1945 — 33, 38, 39, 40-43
Chudnow, Max
194S — 355
Chuman, Prank F.
1948 — 355
Chung, Dr. Margaret
1948 — 144
Church, Donna
1953 — 259
Church League for Indus-
trial Democracy
1948 — 318
1949—289
108,
Church of the Hammer am
Sickle
1948 — 344
Churchill, Henry S.
1949 — 480, 499
Churchill, Winston
1947 — 20, 207
1949—15, 17, 51, 74
442
1953 — 69
Churchman, The
1955 — 185
Chworowsky, Rev. Karl M.
1949 — 480
Chyz, Yaroslaw
1949—486
Cikovsky, Nicolai
1949—480, 489, 499, 505,
536, 537
Cikowski, N.
1948 — 261
Cimring, Annette
1947—70, 299, 300
1949 — 421
1955 — 391
Cimring, H., Dr.
1951—267
Cimring, Harry, Dr.
1955 — 348, 383
Cinema Bureau in Moscow
1948 — 193
Cinema Bureau of the In-
ternational Union o:
the Revolutionary The
atre
1948 — 237
Citations
1949 — 678
1951 — 290
Citizen Tom Paine
1959 — 85
Citizens Advisory
Committee
1948 — 14, 15
1949 — S, 9, 602, 651, 652
683
Citizens Committee for
AMTER
1949 — 520
Citizens Committee for
Better Education
1947 — 56
1948— 19S-200, 231
1949 — 289, 459
Citizens Committee for
Democratic Freedom h
North Africa
1949—216
Citizens Committee for
Harry Bridges
1948—34, 97, 248, 363
1949—289, 290, 504
1951 — 60
1955 — 88
Citizens Committee for Rob-
ert Thompson and Bern
jamin J. Davis
1949 — 522
Citizens Committee for th<
Defense of Mexican-
American Youth
1943—216, 217
1945 — 182, 183, 184
1947 — 45, 189
1948 — 365, 375
1949 — 290, 295
1951 — 257
Citizens Committee for the
Election of Simon W.
Gerson
1949 — 524
INDEX
249
Citizens Committee for the
Motion Picture Strikers
1947 — 188, 190, 191
1948 — 201
1949 — 290
1951—57, 60
Citizens Committee for the
Protection of the For-
eigm Born
1959 — 126, 128, 129, 132,
133, 134, 135, 144,
214
Citizens Committee for the
Recall of Councilman
McClanahan
1947 — 55
1949—290
Citizens Committee for the
Upper West Side
1949 — 290
Citizens Committee on
Academic Freedom, The
1948 — 54
1949—290
Citizens Committee to Aid
the Locked-Out Hearst
Employees
1947 — 56, ISO, 187
194S — 147
1949 — 291
Citizens Committee to De-
fend Representative
Government
1949 — 524
Citizens Committee to End
Discrimination in Base-
ball
1947 — 190
Citizens Committee to Free
Earl Browder
1947—210, 219
194S — 7, 34, 55, 104, 118,
200, 319, 329, 330,
334-336, 351
1949—291, 520
Citizens Committee to Pre-
serve American Free-
doms
1955—204, 309, 311, 332,
360, 363
1959—144, 207, 214
Citizens Committee to Sup-
port Labor's Right
1947 — 187
1949—291
Citizens for Political Free-
dom
1959 — 212
Citizens for Victory Com-
mittee
1948—136
Citizens Housing- Council of
Los Angeles
1953 — 83
Citizens No Foreign Wars
Coalition
1943—251-253
Citron, Byron
1948 — 179
1953 — 103
Citron, Ula
1948—179
City Action Committee
Against the High Cost
of Living
1949—291
City College
1957 — 22
City College of New York
1948—178, 338
1955—404, 410
City Terrace Cultural Club
1949 — 427, 434
Civiern, Frank J.
1948—94
1949—554
Civil Rights Congress
1947—55, 70, 75, 187
1948 — 35, 47, 48, 55, 60,
61, 75, 122, 136, 139,
191, 201, 206, 209,
220, 221, 224, 230,
231, 338, 362, 363,
1949 — 148, 267, 291, 292,
295, 306, 320, 332,
340, 369, 381, 421,
439, 442, 443, 444,
445, 446, 447, 44S,
449, 450, 451, 452,
453, 454, 455, 456,
506, 515, 517, 522,
523, 524, 526, 542,
543, 548, 551, 635,
678
1951—24, 36, 248, 253,
254, 255, 256, 25S,
264, 265, 266, 267,
281, 287, 289
1953—1, 97, 118, 247, 255,
260, 261, 262, 277,
282
1955— S8, 91, 159, 175,
182, 189, 190, 204,
208, 231, 234, 239,
245, 246, 262, 297,
299, 300, 307, 327,
328, o29, 336, 339,
342, 343, 346, 347,
360, 373, 385, 386,
404, 417, 422
1957 — 106, 107, 108, 109,
117, 119
1959—34, 124, 125, 126,
127, 128, 129, 131,
132, 133, 134, 135,
137, 149, 208
Civil Rights Congress, Ala-
meda County
195:; — 260
Civil Rights Congress Bul-
letin
1955—347
Civil Rights Congress, City
Terrace Chapter
1951—267
Civil Rights Congress Com-
mittee to Save Robert
Wesley Wells
1955 — 3o 5
Civil Rights Congress for
Texas
1949 — 292
Civil Rights Congress, Long
Beach Chapter
1951 — 267
Civil Rights Congress,
Milwaukee Chapter
1949—292
Civil Rights Congress of
Michigan
1949 — 2y2
Civil Rights Congress of
New York
1949—346, 446, 54S
Civil Rights Congress,
Northern California
1953—272
Civil Rights Congress,
Pacific Coast Director
1951—264
Civil Kignts Congress,
San Diego
1955 — 3 89
Civil Rights Council of
Northern California
1947—209
1948—163
19 "J 2! 2. 348
Civil Rights Division of -Mo-
bilization for Democracy
1949—292, 448
Civil Rights Federation
1948 — 61
1949 292
Civil Rights Federation in
Detroit
1949—446
Civil Rights Mobilization
1957—108
Civil Rinhts News
1948 — 224
1949 — 384
Civil Service Commission
1959 — 139, 156, 174
Civil War in France
1949—190, 191
Civil War in the United
States, The
1949—191
Civinini, Joseph
1943 — 284, 292
Claiborne, Robert
1948 — 392
Claire, Bonnie
1947—96
1948—131
Clansaddle, Nellie
1948—227
Clare, Ralnh
1948 — 16
Claremont College
1953 — 133
Clarity
1948—49, 224
1949 — 384
Clark, Alden
1947 — 152, 163
Clark, Arnold
1951 — 229
Clark, Clinton
1948 — 163
Clark, David
1948 — 377
Clark, Durward
1948—94
1949 — 554
Clark, Edward
1948 — 356
Clark, Evans
1P49 — 670, 671
Clark, Harold F.
1953 — 153
(Mark, John Gee
1943 — 188, 189, 134
1947—185, 186
Clark, Joseph
1948—213, 233, 343
Clark, Marearete L.
1943—149
1947 — 239
194S — 198
Clark, Robert G.
1949—601
Clark, Susan
1947 — 89
19 19—425
Clark, Tom
1948_59, 110, 202, 204,
206, 207
1949__202, 224, 257, 267,
268, 270, 271, 272,
273, 274, 277, 278,
280, 281, 282, 284,
285, 286, 288, 289,
290, 291, 292, 293,
296 297, 298, 299,
300, 301, 303, 304,
305, 306, 311, 312,
313, 314, 316, 317,
319, 321, 323. 324,
326, 327, 330, 332,
335, 336, 337, 339,
341, 344, 345, 348,
350, 351, 352, 353,
354, 355, 356, 357,
358, 359, 362, 366,
367, 369, 370, 371,
250
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Clark, Tom — Continued
372, 373, 375, 378,
402, 413, 523
1959 — 141
Clarke, Angela
1948—356
Clarke, L. J.
1957—126, 140
Clarke, T. E. B.
1948—374
Class Struggles in France
1949 — 191
Clawson, Archie
1949 — 601
Clay, Eugene
1945 — 124, 126
1948—274
1949—471
Claypool, Leslie E.
1948—341
1949—688
Clavton, Revels
1945—195, 196
Cleary, Mrs. Betty
1948 — 16
Clement, Ada
1943 — 137
1948—185
Clement, Grace
1943—129
Clement, Dr. Rufus E.
1948 — 262, 271
1949 — 468, 480, 484, 499,
502, 505, 513-515,
518
Clement, Rufus R.
1949 — 507
Clewitt, Howard S.
1947 — 345
Clifton, John
1943 — 144
Clifton, Leon
1948—146, 148
1949—688
Cline, Minnabell
1943—217
1945—182
1948 — 375
CUne. Paul
1943—146, 147, 159, 167
1945 — 143
1947 — 170, 226, 294, 297
1959—24
Clinton, Clifford E.
1943 — 343
dinner, The
1948 — 135, 137, 167, 224,
246
Cloke, Shirley
1948—215
Closed Communist Party
Caucuses
19 43 — IS 8
Clothier, Dr. Robert C.
1948—323
Cloud, A. J.
1947—88, 93
1949 — 425
Cluen, Reene
1948—184
1949 — 561
Clugston, "W. G.
1949 — 480, 489
Clurman, Harold
1945 — 126
1948—274
1949 — 471
Clyde, Mrs. Ethel
1948—170, 179
Coakley, Frank
1951—254
Coast Counties Gas &
Electric Co.
1955 — 401, 405
Coates, Robert
1945 — 121
1949—480, 489, 499, 501,
504, 510, 512, 51S,
521, 527, 528, 537
Cobb, Humphrey
1945—127
1948—316
Cobb, Lee
1948—356
1949 — 4S0, 488, 489, 499,
508, 510, 513, 515
Cobb, Margaret
1949—437
Cobb, Dr. Stanley
1949 — 480, 517
Cobb, Tom
1948—377
Cobbs, Dr. P. P.
1947—96
1948 — 185
Cobbs, P. Price, Dr.
1953—107, 109
1955—112, 237, 238, 239,
240, 241, 294, 305,
312, 313, 314, 315,
319, 320, 323, 326,
335, 344, 346, 348,
370, 374, 386, 390,
1959—125
Cobbs, P. Price, Mrs.
1955 — 316
Coburn, Muriel
1948—356
Cochran, Wm. F.
1948—109
Codornices Club
1948 — 215
Coe, Charles J.
1949 — 546
Coe, Frank
1959—172, 173, 176
Coe, Dr. George A.
1948—151, 152, 328, 333,
352, 358, 359, 377
1951 — 280, 2S1
Coe, James Everett
1943—356, 374, 375
Coe, Lee
1948—343
1953 — 282
Coffee, John W.
194S— 109, 116, 132, 151,
181, 186, 208, 226,
310, 318, 328, 351,
375
1949—562
Coffin, Dr. Henry S.
1948 — 322
Cogel, Anna J.
1955—389
Cogliandro, A. M.
1943—284, 299
Cohee, Alice
1947 — 179, 190
Cohee, John
1943—155
1945 — 195, 196
1947—180, 190
1948 — 375
Cohee, Mr. and Mrs. John
1947—96, 97
1948—183
Cohee, Lester
1945—121, 127
Cohelan, Mrs. Jeffrey
1948 — 194
Cohen, Arthur
1951 — 287
Cohen, Betty
1955—448
Cohen, Elizabeth Boggs
19 55 — 36 7
Cohen, Rabbi Henry
1948 — 114
Cohen, Hyman
1948—259
Cohen, Rabbi J. K.
1948 — 198
Cohen, Rabbi J. X.
1949 — 480, 489, 491, 499,
502, 507, 509, 515,
517, 524
Cohen, Jeannette
1948 — 179
Cohen, Rabbi, Jehudah N.
1948 — 146, 149
Cohen, Joseph
1948—196, 338
1949 — 548
Cohen, Dr. Julius
1948—16
Cohen, Leon
1948—94
1949 — 554
Cohen, Lester
1948 — 244
Cohen, Lewis
1948—377
Cohen, Max R.
1948—151
Cohen, Morris
1947— ISO
1948 — 270
Cohen, Nat
1948 — 212
Cohen, Rueben E.
1948 — 266
Cohen, Rabbi Samuel M.
1948—152
Cohn, Aaron
-1055 .39 1
Cohn, Rabbi Franklin
1948 — 145
1955 — 132, 307, SOS, 3S7,
388, 390
Cohn, Morris E.
1948—59, 251, 255, 259,
372, 374
1955 — 208, 383
Colamiris, Angela
1959 — 167
Colbert, DeWitt
1948—183
Colby, Merle
1945 — 126
1948 — 274
1949—472
Cole, Erwin
1955 — 335, 367
Cole, Gladys
1948—356
Cole, Lester „„„„„,
194S_60, 97, 215, 239, 274,
276, 279, 346, 372
1949—472, 478, 4S0, 49ST)
501, 506, 510, 511,
513, 516, 519, 520,
524, 527, 688
1951 — 57, 58, 26S, 271
1953 — 139, 174
1955 441
Cole, Lorenza Jordan
1948 — 317
Cole, Robert
1943 — 146, 147, 14S, 197
Cole, Dr. Sidney S.
1959 — 185
Cole v. Young
1959—191
Cole, William G.
1949 — 596
Coleman, David
1948 — 16
Coleman, Edward C.
1953—176
Coleman, Festus
1948 — 167, 274
1949 — 308
Coleman, Dr. James C.
1943 — 119, 120
1948—198
INDEX
251
Coleman, Dr. Le Grande
1948 — 185
1953 — 283
Coleman, Lewis
1951 — 259
Coleman, Louis
1949—179
Coleman, Timothy
1948—220
Colen, Louise
194S— 149
Coles, Ann
1948 — 270
Collapse of the Second
International
1949 — 190
College and Life
1947 — 324
College of Medical Evange-
lists, School of Medi-
cine
1955 — 145, 367
College of Osteopathic Phy-
sicians and Surgeons
1055 — 271
College of the City of
Xew York
1953— S7, 127, 278
College of the Pacific
1953—133
College Teachers Union,
Local 537, A. F. of L.
1959—94
Collier, Nina P.
1948 — 278
Collins, Alexandra
1949 — 428, 433
Collins, Dr. C. L.
1959 — 184
Collins, Charles
1948 — 114
2949 .449
Collins, Dorothy T.
1948 — 377
Collins, Frank
1951—229
Collins, Mrs. Frank
1948 — 16
Collins, George D., Jr.
194 8—249
Collins, James
1947 — 202, 212
Collins, Richard
1945—116, 117
1948 — 215
1959—116
Collins, Jr., Harry
1959—175
Collins, Jr., Henry
1959 — 172, 173, 175
Collins, Jr., Major Henry
1959 — 175
Colliver, George H.
1959 — 185
Colman, Edward C.
1948—329
Colman, Louis
1948 — 93, 202, 266, 328,
352
1949—447, 449, 450
Colombia University,
President of
1951—67
Colomis, George
1947—239
Columbia Broadcasting Co.
1947 — 364
1948 — 313
Columbia Foundation
1955 — 221
Columbia Motion Picture
Studio
1943 — 83
1947 — 364
Columbia University
1948 — 337, 338, 352, 390,
391
1949 — 451
1953 — 87, 194, 271
1955—221, 410, 421
1957—93
1959—45, 54, 176
Columbus Peace Association
1949 — 292
Colver v. Skeffington
1949—246, 255
Combs, R. E.
1943 — 7
1945 — 6, 147-159
1947 — 58-60, 99-102, 108,
110, 111, 116-118,
120, 124, 127-129,
146, 147, 150, 153,
171, 172, 192, 194,
19S, 199, 201, 21S,
222, 245, 247, 248,
250, 251, 255-258,
264, 265, 273, 275,
277, 278, 281-283,
289, 294, 299, 302-
306, 309, 324, 326,
329, 331, 332, 335,
336, 338-342, 345-
349
1948 — 8-14, 111, 173, 175,
219-221, 235, 258,
282, 292, 298, 299,
308, 346, 349
1949 — 601, 602, 609, 612,
613, 629, 634
1951 — 1, 4
1959 — 156, 204
Comey, Marge
1943 — 134
Coming of Age
1947 — 324, 331, 336-339,
344, 353
Coming Struggle for Power,
The
1943 — 118
Comingore, Dorothy
1943 — 217
1945 — 182
1948 — 97, 375
Cominform
1949—20, 32, 33, 35, 58,
60, 101, 102, 106,
107, 110, 111, 127,
130, 193, 202, 230,
265, 298, 388, 490,
617
1951—40, 130
1957 — 92, 93, 96
Cominform Bulletin
1953—239
1957 — 8, 82
Cominform Manifesto
1949— 16, 34
Comintern
1943—39, 40, 93
1945 — 83, 85, 146, 153
1947 — 8, 9, 20, 26, 29, 30,
36, 38, 44, 67, 78,
108, 216, 219, 310
1948 — 9, 10, 33, 35, 65, 73,
75, 79, 81, 83, 106,
107, 113, 118, 122,
124, 133, 142, 143,
149, 166, 178, 190,
191, 232, 233, 242,
243, 265, 267, 362,
363, 383, 384
1949 — 16, 20, 32, 34, 47,
60, 85, 88, 101, 103,
135, 161, 162, 163,
167, 168, 169, 170,
171, 172, 173, 174,
175, 176, 178, 179,
180, 182, 195, 197,
229, 230, 231, 233,
234, 235, 236, 237,
238, 239, 240, 241,
243, 244, 363, 364,
374, 413, 415, 478,
615, 656, 680
1951—7, 8, 42, 54, 65, 86,
180, 181, 182, 185,
186, 236, 257
1953—7, 17, 24, 47, 48,
54, 70, 71, 136, 138,
139, 152, 157, 226,
230, 245
1955—385
1957 — 82, 92, 105, 106
1959—89, 95, 110, 111,
115, 119, 121, 137,
170, 171, 183
Comintern, Executive
Committee
1951 — 185, 257
1953—71
1959 — 121
Comintern, International
Red Aid Section
1951 — 259, 260, 261
Comintern Seventh Con-
gress
1959—93
Comite Co-ordinator Pro
Republican Espanola
1949 — 292
Comite Defensor del
Pueblo Mexicano
1955 — 388, 390
Commentary Magazine
1951 — 50
Commercial Telegraphers
Union
1959—104
Commissar for Heavy
Industry
1959 — 109, 110
Commission of Inquiry
Into the Moscow Trials
1951 — 38
Commission on Government
Security
1959—96, 138, 142, 200,
201
Committee Against War
Propaganda
1949 — 292
Committee for a Boycott
Against Japanese
Aggression
1947—202
1948—147, 319, 335
1949—293
1953—176
Committee for a Far
Eastern Policy
1955—292
Committee for a Demo-
cratic Far Eastern
Policy
1948 — 168. 169, 197, 19S,
208, 218
1949—105, 294, 454, 455,
505
1951 — 276, 277, 278, 2S0,
289
1953 — 1, 247, 266, 2G7, 277
1955 — 293, 350
Committee for A. F. of L.
Participation in World
Federation of Trade
Unions
1949—548
Committee for Amalgama-
tion
1955—296, 315, 350
252
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Committee for Citizens
Rights
1948 — 122, 358
1949 — 293, 440, 452, 454,
455
Committee for Civil Rights
for Communists
1948—34
1949 — 293, 440
Committee for Concerted
Peace Efforts
1949—293
Committee for
Correspondence
1948—12, 13
1951 — 173, 174
Committee for Cultural
Freedom
1948—102, 121-125, 128,
129, 135, 166, 168,
191, 365, 366, 370,
371
1951—38
Committee for Defense of
Joint Anti-Fascist Ref-
ugee Committee
1948 — 55
1949—294
Committee for Defense
of Mexican-American
Youth
1959—137
Committee for Defense of
Public Education
1948 — 381, 392
1949 — 294
Committee for Democracy
and Intellectual Free-
dom
1951—238
Committee for Democratic
Action
1949 — 295
Committee for Democratic
Far Eastern Policy,
San Francisco Chapter
1953—267
Committee for Democratic
Rights
1949 — 295
Committee for Free Polit-
ical Advocacy
1949 — 146, 527
Committee for Industrial
Organization
1953 — 52
Committee for Medical
Freedom
1955 — 109, 167, 310
Committee for Peace
Through World
Cooperation
1948—67, 335
1949 — 294
Committee for Peaceful
Alternatives
1951 — 275, 289
1955—182
Committee for Peaceful Al-
ternatives to the Atlan-
tic Pact
1953—247
Committee for the Care of
Young Children in "War
Time
1948 — 168
1949—295
Committee for the Defense
of Foreign Born
1955—387
Committee for the Defense
of Mexican-American
Youth
1945 — 184, 185, 193, 195
1947—97
1949 — 295
Committee for the Election
of Robinson and Hit-
telman
1955 — 373
Committee for the First
Amendment
1948—35, 55, 61, 211
1949 — 295, 630
1951 — 290, 291
1955 — 455, 456, 457, 458,
459, 460, 461, 462,
463
Committee for the Release
of Earl Browder
1948 — 253
Committee for the Support
of S. W. Gerson
1947—210
1949 — 295
Committee Honoring
Georgi Dimitrov
1947 — 210, 219
Committee of Action for
Peace and Democracy
1949—458
Committee of Cultural Or-
ganizations to Defeat
the Mundt-Nixon Bill
1949 — 294
Committee of Jewish Writ-
ers, Artists and Scien-
tists, Inc.
1949 — 394
Committee of One Hundred
for Political Unity
1959 — 18
Committee of Professional
Groups for Browder
and Ford
1948 — 153
1949 — 295, 521
Committee of Students for
Academic Freedom
1953 — 194
Committee of "Women
1948 — 227, 323
Committee on Academic
Freedom
1959 — 82
Committee on American
Citizenship
1955 — 142, 143
Committee on Election
Rights
1948—112, 381
1949 — 296
Committee on Japanese Ac-
tivities in California
1943 — 322
Committee on One Thousand
1948 — 35, 55
1949 — 295
Committee on One Thousand
Home Buyers
1953—103
Committee on Privilege
and Tenure
1951—74
Committee on Un-American
Activities
1949 — 439, 441, 447, 501,
502, 503, 504, 505,
506, 507, 508, 509,
510, 511, 512, 513,
514, 516, 532, 533,
534, 536, 538
Committee on Un-American
Activities, House of
Representatives
1947 — 81-83, 141, 201, 236,
313
1948 — 97-99, 102, 104, 118-
126, 134, 135, 165,
166, 217, 250, 266,
274, 277, 328, 330-
333, 361-371, 380,
386
Committee Protesting At-
tacks Against the Abra-
ham Lincoln Brigade
1947 — 210
1949 — 296
Committee to Aid Chinese
Trade Unions
1948—143, 211
1949 — 296
Committee to Aid the
Fighting South
1949—296
Committee to Defend Amer-
ica by Keeping Out of
War
1947 — 202
194S— 67, 115, 149, 150,
211, 342, 351
1949 — 296, 451, 453-455
1953 — 2S0
Committee to Defend
Angelo Herndon
1948 — 34
19 4H—296
Committee to Defend
Don West
1949 — 526
Committee to Defend
the Rosenbergs
1953— 2S3
Committee to Re-elect Vito
Marcantonio to Con-
gress
1947 — 219
Committee to Reverse the
Smith Act
1959—149
Committee to Save Foreign
Language Broadcasts
1949 — 297
Committee to Save Spain
and China
1948 — 147, 335
1949 — 297
Committee to Secure Justice
for the Rosenbergs
1953— 2S2
Committee to Win the Peace
1948—197, 19S
1951 — 276
Commons, Natalie
1948—278
Commonwealth Club of
California
1959 — 215, 218
Commonwealth College
1948—145
1949 — 297
Commonwealth of Oceana
1945—71
Commonwealth \. Rhoads
1949—254
Communication Workers of
America, CIO
1955 — 418
Communism and Academic
Freedom, The Record
of the Tenure Cases at
University of Washing
ton
1953 — 201
1957 — 8, 11
INDEX
253
Communism in Action
1947—314, 315, 317, 319
1949 — 67, 654
Communique
1948 — 190
Communist — See Communist
Party or particular sub-
division
Communist Book Store
1957 — 127
Communist County Central
Committee
1947 — 139
Communist Infiltration in
the U. S.
1949 — 654
Communist Information Bu-
reau— See also Comin-
form
1949 — 32, 101, 106, 110,
183, 222, 224, 297
Communist International —
See also Comintern
1943—39, 40, 93
1947 — 9
1948—120, 150, 163
1949—32, 85, 86, 100, 101,
103, 107, 110, 117,
119, 127, 128, 131,
135, 155, 156, 157,
158, 159, 160, 161,
162, 163, 164, 166,
167, 168, 169, 170,
172, 173, 174, 175,
176, 177, 179, 180,
181, 182, 183, 185,
193, 195, 197, 199,
202, 206, 207, 223,
229, 230, 231, 232,
233, 234, 235, 236,
237, 238, 239, 240,
242, 243, 245, 247,
248, 252, 258, 259,
265, 272, 278, 279,
297, 298, 300, 310,
318, 321, 352, 354,
358, 363, 368, 373,
374, 376, 377, 385,
390, 420, 423, 439,
440, 446, 463, 464,
488, 490, 522, 550,
555, 563, 617, 677
1951—8, 11, 48, 181
1953 — 195
1957 — 92
1959—21, 89
Communist International,
Executive Committee
1953 — 231
Communist International,
Sixth World Congress
1957—85, 116
Communist International
Union of Revolutionary
"Writers
1949 — 374
Communist Intrigue
1943 — 80, 81
Communist Labor Party
1949 — 157, 159, 177, 298
1953—58
Communist Labor Party of
America
1949 — 157, 162, 193
Communist Labor Party of
California
1949—571
Communist League
1949 — 14
1953—12, 17, 18, 19
Communist Legal Subver-
sion
1959 — 135
Communist Manifesto
1943—19, 21, 26
1945—80-82
1948—14, 16, 25, 34,
L95, 217, 233
3, 76, 80, 128,
152, 188, 190,
203, 205, 616,
191,
1949—36, 6
141,
193,
617
1951 — 177
1953—7, 10, 11, 12, 16,
17, 19, 20, 25, 27,
31, 50, 190
1955—88, 89, 379, 413
1957 — 146
Communist National Com-
mittee of the United
States
1955—43
Communist Notebooks
1957 — 91
Communist on State
Pay Roll
1943—116
Communist Party — See also
various subdivisions of
the party
1943—12-198, 256, 383
1945 — 5, 6, 59, 66-210
1947 — 10-362
1948 — 20-393
1949 — 13-588
1951—1-291
1957—1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9,
10, 11, 13, 21, 26,
29, 31, 33, 57, 62,
74, 75, 76, 77, 78,
79, 80, 81, 83, 85,
88, 89, 90, 91, 92,
95, 96, 98, 101,
102, 105, 108, 114,
115, 117, 118, 119,
120, 124, 143, 144,
145, 146, 148, 151,
152, 153, 155, 156,
157
1959—9-13, 18-27, 30,
34, 38, 39, 41, 42,
43, 47, 49, 50, 51,
52, 55, 56, 57, 58,
81, 84, 85, 90, 91,
92, 96, 98, 99,
101, 102, 105, 106,
109, 110, 111, 112,
115, 117, 118, 119,
120, 121, 122, 123,
124, 125, 126, 127,
128, 129, 130, 131,
132, 133, 134, 135,
136, 139, 143, 145,
146, 148, 149, 151,
154, 155, 157, 158-
166, 167, 168, 169,
170, 171, 172, 176,
177, 180, 181, 184,
186, 187, 188, 189,
190, 192, 193, 194,
195, 196, 202, 203,
206, 208, 209, 210,
211, 214, 215, 216,
217, 218
Alameda County (see
also Alameda County
Communist Party)
1953—5, 74, 256, 257,
261, 263
1955—386
American
1953 — 50, 51, 52, 57, 58,
60, 69, 75, 165,
190
As agent of a Foreign
Power
1949 — 654
Book Stores in California
1948—224
British
1949—172, 173
1953—231, 232
British International
Committee
1953—231
California (see also Cali-
fornia Communist
Party)
1955 — 14, 21, 41, 404
1959 — 18, 25, 33, 37, 39,
44, 154, 171, 178,
217
California, Arizona, and
Nevada District
1957—1
California, Northern Dis-
trict
1959—30, 32
California, Political Com-
mission
1959 — 17
California, Southern Dis-
trict
1959—31, 40, 181, 182,
209
Central Committee
1959 — 23
Central Executive Com-
mittee
1947 — 316
1949—88, 93
1951—49, 82, 185, 190,
191, 199
Cultural Commission
1959 — 86, 113
China
1953—232, 236, 239
1955—118
Committee, New York
State
1953 — 141
Conference, British
Empire
1953 — 232
Congress
1953—34
Congress, French
1953—232
Control Commission
1943—74
1951 — 185, 190, 191
Control Commission
Chairman
1951—185
Conventions
1943—73
County Bureaus
1951 — 206
Czechoslovakia
1957 — 94
1959 — 159
Disciplinary Commission
1959—118
District 13
1951 — 36, 172, 176, 178,
179, 180, 186, 187,
191, 202, 208, 259
1953 — 13, 77, 279
District 13, Bureau
1951—185, 186, 1S7, 188,
189, 191, 196, 203,
228
District 13, Committee
1951—187, 189, 190, 209,
210, 217, 235
15th National Convention
1953 — 140, 141
France
1955—309
1957—76, 90, 91, 92, 95,
96, 97
Germany
1949 — 172
1955 — 180
1959—203
254
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Communist Party —
Soviet Union
Continued
1953 — 38, 54, 65, 195
India
1955—413
1953—223, 224, 226,
227,
1959 — 136, 178, 183,
230, 231, 236,
237,
195
238, 239
Soviet Union, Central
India Central Committee
Committee
1953 — 225, 230
1953 — 34, 35, 36, 39
India, Politburo
Soviet Union, Politburo
1953 — 230
1953 — 195
Italy
Soviet Union, Twentieth
1959 — 161
Congress
Labor Commission
1959—35, 38, 144
1959 — 195
Soviet Union, Twenty-
Little Theatre
first Convention
1947 — 73, 74
1959 — 194
Los Angeles —
State Committee
1953 — 101
1959—130
1955 — 292, 410, 411
, 420
State Trade Director
Los Angeles County
1951—24
1953 — 78, 89, 102,
106,
Textbook
107, 110, 111
124,
1945—97, 154, 155
125, 173
Trade Union Department
1955—109, 181, 214
220,
1951 — 191
273, 285, 414
420,
Twentieth Congress
421
1957 — 30, 72, 82, 93, 94,
1957 — 97
97, 127
1959—27, 110, 111,
208
United States
Los Angeles County, Po-
1949— 157, 193, 194,
litical Commission
233, 298,
1959 — 20, 26
1953 — 5, 32, 67, 70, 73,
Los Angeles County, Pro-
74, 77, 139, 140,
fessional Section
141, 158, 173,
1959 — 118
174, 195, 198,
Manual
203, 205, 20G,
1943 — 65
241, 257
National Chairman
1955—41, 80, 195, 267,
1951 — 24
279, 280, 382
National Committee
1957 — 76, 77, 80, 85, 95
1947 — 153, 222
1959 — 11, 24, 90, 100,
1951 — 15, 19, 21, 28, 37,
101, 102, 120,
124, 134,
161,
124, 126, 141,
178, 185,
236,
147, 148, 149,
262, 281
151, 153, 156,
National Review
167, 170, 171,
Commission
183, 188, 192,
1953 — 174
195, 199, 210
New York
United States, Adminis-
1953— 278
trative Committee
1959 — 176
1959 — 42
New York State District
United States Central
1953—141
Committee
New York State Election
1953—173, 174
Committee
United States, National
1951 — 100
Committee
Party Committee
1953—140, 141, 185,
1959—158-166
189
Pennsylvania
1957 — 3, 11
1959 — 191
1959—16, 24, 30, 40,
Poland
41, 42, 43, 85,
1957—94
101, 102, 109,
Political Commission
119, 124. 146,
1959 — 19, 21, 22
149, 181, 188,
Professional Section
210
1959—17, 117
United States, Secretariat
Publications
1948 — 224
1959 — 42, 43
United States, Women's
Commission
Punjab
1959 — 124
1953 — 231
Yugoslavia
Reorganization
1959 — 36
Commission
Communist Party Discus-
1953— 231
sion Section — Towards
San Francisco
1953 — 267
1955—404
a United Party of
Socialism
1957 — 82
Communist Party v. Peek
School, San Francisco —
1949 — 577
See also California
Communist Party v. Sub-
Labor School or
Tom
versive Activities Con-
Mooney Labor School
trol Board
1951 — 95, 231, 234
235,
1959—191
240, 254
Communist Political Assn.
Seventh Congress
1945 — 102, 103
1957 — 89, 90, 91,
105,
1947 — 8, 21-24, 27, 31
106
1948 — 33, 214
1949—97, 157, 158, 159,
166, 169, 171, 174,
193, 299, 419, 440,
613
1951 — 13, 250
1953 — 70, 71, 98, 118, 257
1955 — 14, 84, 85, 105, 117,
124, 12S, 133, 139,
157, 173, 207, 230,
235, 240, 250, 259,
262, 264, 368, 420,
447, 450, 452
1959—148
Communist Political Asso-
ciation, Alameda
County
1953—257
Communist School, Los
Angeles
1959—10, 114, 208
Communist School, Oakland
1955 — 50
Communist School, San
Francisco
1959 — 134
Communist State Central
Committee
1949 — 418
Communist, The
1947—11, 18, 21, 24, 31,
27, 227, 229, 233,
246
1948—182, 196, 224, 225,
246, 252, 267, 302,
338, 381, 384
1953 — 51, 60, 62, 63, 70,
71, 136, 137
1955—73, 74, 382
1959—170
Comnnmist, The, excerpts
from
1943 — 28, 104-106, 115,
116
1945 — 98, 157
1949 — 88, 96, 157, 158,
160, 164, 165, 173,
176, ISO, 188, 205,
216, 217, 219, 231,
243, 259, 368, 384,
399, 416, 463, 535,
545, 560
1959 — 24, 25
Communist Trade Union
Trickery Exposed
1949 — 654
Communist Underground,
The
1959 — 167
Communist Veterans of
World War II
1951—24, 28, 29
Communist Violence in
India
1953 — 236
Communist Women's Day
1949 — 458
Communist Workers
School
1947—67, 70, 74
Communist World Congress
1953—37
Coynmunists Within the
Government
1949 — 654
Communists Within the
Labor Movement
1949—654
Community Chest
1948 — 72
1949 — 610, 673
Community Conference for
Democratic Action
1949 — 627
255
Communique of Conference
of Nine Communist
Parties in Poland
1949 — 33
Community Medical Center
1955 — 110, 111, 112, 134,
135, 137, 138, 190,
191, 201, 202, 203,
230, 235, 236, 240,
242, 243, 244, 245,
254, 268, 269, 270,
285, 287, 306, 307,
309, 312, 316, 317,
318, 319, 320, 322,
325, 333, 335, 363,
367, 375, 391, 393
Community Medical Foun-
dation
1955 — 110, 111, 112, 113,
255, 334, 335, 337,
367, 391
Compac
1943—167, 168
1948 — 316
Compass Record Co.
1948 — 392
Compinsky, Manuel
1947—317
Compinskv, Sarah
1948—317
Compton, Dr. Carl Taylir
1948—322
Compton Club, Independent
Progressive Party
1955 — 391
Compulsory Military
Service
1943 — 220
Comrade, The
1948—225
Conant, James B.
(President, Harvard)
1951—43
1959 — 52
Concepcion M. De Gracia
1948 — 198
Condition of the Working
Class in England in
18U
1949 — 191
Condon, Robert L.
1955—49, 50
1959—132
Confederation of Latin
American Workers
1959—96
Conference for Democratic
Action
1947 — 247
1948 — 159
1949 299
1951—248, 252, 255, 256
Conference for Democratic
Par Eastern Policy
1951 — 290, 291
Conference for Peace
1955 — 182
Conference for Progressive
Political Action
1959 — 27
Conference for Social
Legislation
1949—299
Conference of American
Revolutionary Writers
1948—52, 126, 158
Conference of Civic Organi-
zations
1949 — 637
Conference of Foreign
Ministers
; 1949 — 43
Conference of Solidarity
With the Spanish People
1948—216
Conference of State Chief
Justices
1959 — 188, 197
Conference of Studio Unions
1947—173, 176, 370
1949—459, 636, 706
1959 — 115
Conference of Women of the
U. S. A. and the U. S.
S. R.
1948 — 227
1949 — 456
Conference on American-
Russian Cultural Ex-
change
1947 — 191
1948 — 170
1951 — 59, 60
Conference on China and
the Far East
1949 — 105
Conference on Civil Rights
1951 — 248, 252
Conference on Constitutional
Liberties in America
1948—121, 165, 166, 226,
342
1949—300
Conference on Economic
Rights for Negro
Women
1955 — 391
Conference on Pan-Ameri-
can Democracy
1948 — 66, 147
1949 — 300, 303, 454
Conference on Peaceful Al-
ternatives to the Atlan-
tic Pact
1951 — 275
Conference on Thought
Control in Southern
California
1948—59
1951 — 59
Conference to Defend the
Rights of Foreign Born
Americans
1955 — 363, 389
Conference to Lift the
Embargo
1949 — 507
Confessional
1948 — 140
Congress
1959 — 29, 138, 188, 193,
195, 196, 201
Conaress
1949 — 385
Congress for Peace and
Culture
1949 — 491
Congress for Social and Un-
employment Insurance
1951—264
Congress in Defense of
Peace
1949 — 491
Congress of American-
Soviet Friendship
1947—190
1948—35, 65, 226, 321,
324
Congress of American
Revolutionary Writers
1949 — 300
Congress of American
Women
1948 — 35, 47, 77, 177, 192,
201, 225, 226. 229,
230, 231, 232
1949—301, 318, 319, 408,
450, 455, 456, 458,
459, 460, 505, 542,
546, 547
1951—264, 280, 284, 2S6
1953—101, 247
Congress of American Wom-
en, Los Angeles Chapter
1953—104
Congress of Industrial
Organizations
1943 — 89
1947—47, 52, 53, 67, 145,
161, 162, 169, 192,
194, 203, 206, 219,
227, 228, 230, 233,
303
1948 — 36-43, 63, 64, 88,
115, 116, 142, 212
1949 — 90, 93, 109, 264,
277, 341, 391, 438,
443, 461, 470, 472,
475, 542, 610, 647,
648, 657
1951—41, 193, 194, 205,
229, 233
1953 — 4, 60, 63, 65, 67,
125, 127, 130, 132,
140, 148, 187, 190,
259
1959—20, 23, 24, 28, 29,
30, 33, 37, 55, 93,
94, 96, 97, 98, 99,
132
Congress of Industrial Or-
ganizations (C. I. O.)
1955—4, 49, 68, 330, 399
Congress of Industrial Or-
ganization Council
1951—193, 194, 195, 196
CIO Building
1949 — 427, 434
CIO Maritime Union
1949 — 706
CIO National Executive
Board
1945 — 147
CIO News
1948—247
CIO Newspaper of the Air
1949 — 419
CIO Newspaper Guild
1949 — 542
CIO Political Action
Committee
1945 — 147-159
1947 — 33, 47, 52, 78, 163,
186, 227, 236, 262
1948 — 259, 318
1949—424, 692
1953 — 63
CIO State Council
1947 — 240
CIO State Executive Board
1955 — 53
CIO Women's Auxiliary
1949 — 458
Congress of Intellectuals
1949—476, 487
Congress of Spanish
Speaking People
1951—264
Congress of the Mexican
and Spanish-American
Peoples of the U. S.
1947 — 45, 210
Congress (First) of the Mex-
ican and Spanish-Amer-
ican Peoples of the U. S.
1949—301
Congress, Views
1948—49
1949—385, 546
Congress of Youth
1948—115, 334
1949 — 451
1953 — 172
Congressional Committee on
Un-American Activities
1949 — 257, 267, 285. 288,
291, 293, 294, 297,
298, 299, 303, 306,
310, 311, 313. 320,
256
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Congressional Committee on
Un-American Activi-
ties— Continued
321, 331, 332, 333,
335, 338, 339, 345,
346, 35S, 359, 361,
379, 381, 384, 385,
388, 390, 398, 399,
403, 407, 409, 426,
459, 460, 461. 465,
478, 538, 554, 619,
631, 640, 649, 654,
656, 657, 677
1951—25, 51, 65, 78, 85,
88, 92, 93, 94, 98,
207, 221, 232, 233,
241, 262, 263, 268,
281, 285, 288, 290
1953 — 200, 211, 270
Congressional Committee on
Un-American Activities,
Research Director
1951 — 98
Congressional Record
1949 — 451
1955 — 438
Congressional Investigative
Committees
1959—175
Conkling, Roscoe S.
1948—320
Conlan, Frank
1948 — 356
Conley, John
1951 — 22, 26, 30, 31
Conliff, Fred
1948 — 107
Connecticut State Youth
Conference
1949—301
Connecticut Writers'
Conference
1947—189
Connelly, Dorothy
1945 — 139
1948 — 230
1949—458
1959 99
Connelly, Dorothy Healey
1959 — 185, 209
Connelly, John
1951—29
Connelly, Marc
1945—115, 116, 130, 131
1948—97, 239, 241, 251,
255, 258, 262, 330,
1953—172, 176
Connelly, Phillip
1943 — 50, 60, 80, 154, 207,
210, 212, 213, 217
1945—137, 148, 182, 184
1947—51, 54, 55, 67, 96,
97, 179, 182, 185,
186, 188, 210, 239,
242
1948—62-64, 106, 116, 146,
148, 160, 163, 182-
185, 198, 200-202,
205, 206, 209, 211,
221, 222, 241, 249,
257, 267, 272, 309,
330, 346, 351, 359,
375
1949 — 93, 146, 147, 419,
436, 448, 449, 470.
475, 478, 560, 610,
631, 632, 688
Connelly, Philip M.
1951—93, 255, 264
1953 — 76, 102, 172, 208,
280
1955 — 417, 418, 419
1959—98-99, 100, 101, 181
Connelly, Philip N.
1951—57, 58, 59, 60
Connelly, Thomas E.
1945—7, 18
Conner, Ramsey, King and
Wallace
1943—177-199
Conner, V. J.
1948 — 163
Connick, Louis
1948 — 170
Connolly, Eugene P.
1949 — 448, 449
Connor, Frank
1943—150, 176, 177, 180,
185, 186, 192
Conover, Harry
1948—341
Conroy, Jack
1945—119, 121, 125, 126
1948—95, 97, 194, 196,
266, 273
1949 — 471
Conscription News
1948—319
Conser, Eugene
1953 — 114
Consolidated Aircraft
Company
1955 — 428, 430
Constance, Lincoln
1948—328, 352
Constitution of the Commu-
nist Partv of the U. S.
1943 — 19
1949—345
Consul General for Yugosla-
via v. Andrexo Artukovic
1959—194
Consumer-Farmer Milk
Cooperative, Inc.
1948 — 336
Consumers Emergency
Council
1949 — 302
Consumers National
Federation
1948—77, 342
1949—301, 302
1953 — 174
Consumers Union
1943 — 102
1948 — 167
1949 — 302, 454, 506
1951 — 238
Consumers Unions and
Leagues
1943 — 100
Consumers Union Reports
1948—167
Constitution of U. S. S. R.
1943—29
Consumer Movement
1943 — 101
Consumers' Emergency
Council and Consumers'
National Federation
1943 — 102, 103
1947—210
Contact
1949 — 618, 620
Conte, Richard
1948 — 97, 210, 211
Contemporary Publishers
1949 — 548
Contemporary Publishing
Association
1949 — 234, 235
Contemporarv Theatre
1943 — 130, 134
194S — 392
1949—302
Contemporary Writers
1949 — 302, 506
Continental Book Store
1943—241
Contra Costa CIO Council
1947—92
Contra Costa County
Communist Party
1947 — 279, 310
Contra Costa County Junior
College, West Campus
1955 — 432
Contra Costa County
School System
1955 — 433
Contreras, Carlos — See also
Vidale, Vittorio
1951 — 273
Contreras, George
1945 — 162, 183, 184, 188
Conway, Bert and Curt
1948—356
Conway, Jerry
1945 — 148
Conway, Morris
1949 — 554
Conway, Morris and Maurice
1948—94
1949 — 554
Cook, Chester Cleveland
1943 — 356, 364-366
Cook, Clyde
1947 — 89, 93
Cook, Fannie
1948 — 278
1949—480, 4S9, 499, 509,
516
Cook, Fred J.
1959 — 209, 210
Cook, Lawrence
1943 — 382
Cook, O. W. E.
1945—137
1948—67
1949—419
Cook, Mrs. Theda
1949—437
Cooke, Edmund W.
1948 — 109, 110, 170
Cooke, Morris L.
1948 — 109, 262
Cooks, Pastry Cooks and
Assistants Union, Local
44
1947 — 242
Coolidge, Albert Sprague
1948 — 179, 201, 327, 334,
335
Coombs, Nathan F.
1951 — 1
1959—203
Coon, Beulah
1947—324
Coon, John C.
1948 — 94
1949 — 554
Coons, Arthur G.
1953—133
"Cooper"
1947 — 203
1951 — 212
Cooper, Mrs. Bessie
1948 — 16
Cooper, Esther
1948 — 187
1949—563
Cooper, Fran
1948 — 356
Cooper, Kent
1949 — 67
Cooper, Leo
1948 — 186
1949—562
Cooper, Lou
1948—317
Cooper, Mitzi
1948—179
1953 — 259
Cooper, Rose
1948—356
257
Cooper, Sandra
1953 — 249
Cooperman, Harold
1955—348
Cooperstock, Henry
1948—186
1949—562
Coordinating Committee on
Civil Liberties
1949—526
Coordinating- Committee to
Lift the Embargo
1948 — 147, 270, 319, 334,
1951 — 56, 93
1953 — 172
1955—88
Coordinating- Committee to
Lift the Spanish Em-
bargo
1947 — 202, 210
1949 — 302, 468, 506, 507,
510
Coordinator of Information
1959 — 174
Coordinator of Inter-Ameri-
can Affairs
1959 — 174
Cope, Bernice G.
1948—375
Cope, Rev. J. Raymond
1949 — 146
Copeland, Aaron
194S— 113, 114, 248, 262,
316, 317, 330, 377,
392
1949—480, 483, 484, 4SS,
489, 494, 499, 501,
502, 503, 504, 508,
511, 512, 513, 516,
518, 519, 521, 523,
524, 525, 530, 531,
532, 537, 543
Copeland, Peter
1949 — 480
Copes, Wilson B.
1955—459
Copic, Vladimir
1949 — 179
Coplon, Judith
1959 — 172
Coppelman, Abraham
1948 — 266
Coppersmiths Local 438
1947 — 80
Copstein, Seymour
1948 — 179
Coragliotti, V. F.
1948—343
Corbell, Margaret
1948 — 179
Corbett, Harvey "Wiley
1948—323
1949—538
Corboff, Katie
1948—184, 185
1949—561
Corbv, Henry
1948 — 146
Corelli, Alan
1948—240
Corey, Jeff
1948—356
Corey, Paul
1949 — 480
Corley, James H. (Control-
ler, University of Calif. )
1943—113
1947 — 107
1948—258
1951—68, 69
Cornell, Charles
1943—39
Cornell University
1948 — 330
1949 — 495
9— L-4361
Cornog, Robert
1947—102
Corona, Bert
1943 — 210, 217
1945 — 182
1947— 65
1949—417
Corona, Frank
1945 — 139
1948 — 375
Correspondence of Karl
Marx and Frederick
Engels
1949 — 191
Corsi, Edward
1948 — 198
1953—151
Corwin, Catherine
1949 — 4S6
Corwin, Emil
1947 — 179, 185, 186,
190,
Corwin, Norman
1947 — 98, 235, 237
1948 — 59, 60, 183,
201,
208, 210, 241,
255,
262, 264, 318,
323,
354, 357, 358,
392
1949 — 449, 455, 480,
484,
486, 489, 499,
501,
503, 505, 509,
510,
513, 515, 516,
519,
520, 525, 526,
528,
530, 533, 543,
688
1951—53, 264, 268,
271
1953—131, 172
Cosgrove, Clair, Dr.
1955—77
Cosgrove, P. Pascal
1948—114
Cosmopolitan Magazine
1947 — 214
Costello, John
1945—159
1948—251
Costello, Dr. Joseph
1948—16
Costigan, Howard
1951 — 159
1953 — 171, 172, 175, 176,
206
Costigan, Howard P.
194S — 109, 226, 328,
Costigan, Mrs. Howard
1953 — 172
Costrell, Hyman I.
1949 — 464
Costumers, Local 705
1947 — 177
Cot, Pierre
1953—275
Cotten, Joseph
1948—255, 375
Cotton, Mme. Eugenie
1948 — 228
1949—318, 319, 457
Cotton, J. E.
1948 — 352
Cotton, Dr. J. Harry
1948 — 353
Coudert, Senator Frederick
R., Jr.
1948—96
Coudert, Senator (New
York State)
1953—144
Coughlin, Father
1953—52
Coulter, J. C.
1948—249
< 'oulouris, George
1947—179
1948—97, 356
Council for African Affairs
1949—627
Council for American-Soviet
Relations
1953 — 256
Council for Civil Unity in
Los Angeles
1951 — 289
Council for Inalienable
Rights
1949 — 466
Council for Pan-American
Democracy
1951 — 280
1953 — 280
1955 — 88
Council for Russian Relief
1949—467
Council for the Advance-
ment of the Americas
1949 — 303
Council of American-Soviet
Friendship
1947—72
Council of Americans of
Croation Descent
1949—414
Council of Arts, Sciences
and Professions
1951 — 267, 268
Council of Foreign Ministers
1949—81
Council of People's
Commissars
1949—32
Council of Student and
Youth Clubs of the
Communist Party of
San Francisco County
1951 — 19
Council of U. S. Veterans,
Inc.
194S — 320, 342, 386
1949—303, 368
Council of Veterans
Organizations
1949—673
Council of Women Shoppers
1949 — 437
Council of Young
Southerners
1948 — 319, 334, 335, 336
1949—303, 329
Councils of the Unemployed
1949 — 3 03
Council on African Affairs
1948 — 66, 101, 168, 320
1949—303, 31S, 453, 455,
548
1951 — 280
1959—195
Counsellor Academy in
Vienna
1957 — 89
Counter Attach
1949 — 9, 646, 654
Counterfeit
1943—103, 104
Counter-intelligence Corps
of the Army
1951 — 3
Counts, Frederick A.
1948 — 328, 352
1949 — 4S0
Counts, Prof. George S.
1948—109, 170, 179, 244
1949 — 494
County Crusade Council
1948—160, 161
• ounty Hospital,
Los Angeles
19.-,.-,— 251, 272, 324
County Social Workers
Local 558, of the AFL
19 IS — 60
258
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Course of the Cadres of
the Shock Brigade
1953—236
Courses for Publishing
Employees
1948 — 130
Cousins, Kay
1948 — 356
Cousins, Norman
1949 — 494
1951 — 270
Couveras, Costa
1948 — 168
Covette, Thomas L.
1945—6
Covington, Floyd C.
1947 — 96, 97
1948—109, 110, 132, 152,
183
Covington, Mrs. Floyd
1948—278
Covington, Mrs. Oliver
1948 — 277
Covner (Kovner), Fay
1953 — 79
Cowan, Prof. Alexander
1948 — 172
Cowan, Claire Biglow
1948—386
Cowan, Warren
1948 — 210
Cowell, Henry
1948—317
Cowgill, John S.
1947—353
Cowherd, Yelverton
1948 — 386
Cowl, Margaret
1948 — 333
Cowley, Malcolm
1945 — 121, 126, 127
1948—96, 97, 113, 151,
194, 244, 248, 270,
273, 333, 338, 385,
391
1949—471
Cowling, Donald J.
1948—320
Cox, Mrs. Allen
1948 — 281
Cox, Ivan Francis
1948 — 152
Cox, Nancy
1948 — 151
Cox, Prof. Richard T.
1948 — 271
1949 — 468
Coy, Harold
1948 — 248
Coyle, Grace L.
1948 — 375
Craig, Agnes
1955 — 389
Craig, Earl C.
1943 — 253, 275
Craig, Frank L.
1955—389, 391
Craig, W. E.
19 49 — 601
Cramer, Genevieve
1948 — 16
1949 — 602
Cramer, Max
1948 — 259
Crane, Irving
1948 — 266
Crane, John O.
1948 — 323
1949 — 538
Crane, Rose
1949 — 179
Craven, Thomas
1948—262
Crawford, Chery
1948 — 210, 240, 241
Crawford, John
1948—356
Crawford, Kenneth
1948 — 199
Crawford, Dr. M. H.
1947 — 77
1949—423
Crawford, Matt
1948 — 148, 194
Crawford, Merritt
1948 — 238, 386
Crawford, Ruth E.
1959 — 176
Creanza
1957—58, 59
Creed, Tom
1955 — 321, 391
Creed, Mrs. Tom
1955—391
Creighton, Thomas H.
1949 — 480, 499, 517, 525
Crespi, Pachita
1948 — 114
Crichton, Kyle (alias
Robert Forsythe)
1948 — 97, 114, 129, 141,
151, 159, 168, 189,
234, 244, 248, 271,
273, 310, 353, 370,
389, 390
1949—468, 471, 480, 488,
489, 499, 501, 502,
503, 509, 510, 511,
512, 517, 519, 521,
527, 528, 533
1951—271
1953 — 171, 173, 174
Criminal Syndicalism
1943 — 38, 39
1948 — 147, 223, 349
1949—255, 571
Crippen, Harlan R.
1948—193
Cripps, John
1948—377
Crisis
1948—224
1949 — 546
Crisis
1957—117
Criterion
1948—15
"Critique of the Gotha
Programme"
1949—191
Critser, Loren
1948—16
Croatian Benevolent Fra-
ternity of America
1949 — 466
Croatian Educational Club
1949 — 303
Croatian Fraternal Union
1949 — 127, 413, 414
Croft, Mary Jane
1948 — 356
Cromwell, John
1947—96, 9S, 179, 190,
235-239, 241, 242
1948 — 59, 193, 239, 241,
251-254, 257, 279,
354, 355, 357
1949—435, 436, 688
1951—280
1955 — 365
Cromwell, Deta
1949 — 486
Cronbach, Dr. Abraham
1948 — 162, 320
1949—480
Cronback, Robert
1948—189
Cronin, Kathleen
1948—343
Cronin, Morton
1959 — 47, 48
Cronyn, Hume
1948 — 97, 164
Crooks, Jimmie
1948 — 94
1949—554
Crosbie, Paul
1948 — 386
1949 — 456
Crosby, Aliph
1948 — 277
Crosby, George W.
1948—292, 296, 298
Crosby, Jack
1949 — 177
Crosbv, Willis K.
1948 — 377
Cross, Adelyne
1947 — 89, 91
1949 — 425
Cross and the Arrow
1948—120, 129
Cross, Dennis
1948—356
Cross, Helen
1943 — 137, 138
Cross, Ira B.
1959 — 184
Cross, Samuel H.
194S — 169
1949 — 412
Crouch, Miss
1947 — 330
Crouch, D. H.
1949—437
Crouch, Paul
1948—106, 107, 266
1951—50, 177, 179, 180,
182, 183, 184, 185,
186, 187, 18S, 193,
194, 195, 196, 197,
199, 201, 202, 203,
204, 205, 206, 207,
208, 209, 210, 211,
212, 213, 216, 217,
218, 219, 220, 222,
224, 225, 226, 227,
228, 232, 239, 241,
242, 243
1953 — 5, 74, 175, 256, 257,
1959 — 101, 119-120, 176
Crouch, Mrs. Paul
1959 — 119-120
Crouch, Sylvia
1951 — 209, 210, 211, 212,
213, 216, 217, 218,
219, 220, 221, 222,
226, 227, 228, 242
Crouse, E. J.
1945 — 11
Crouse, Russell
1948 — 262
Crow, Carl
1948—199
Crow, James Francis
1943 — 155, 157
Crowe, Muriel
1955—391
Crowl, Verne C, Dr.
1955—76
Crowley, Dr. Ralph
1949 — 480
Crown Heights Committee
to Aid Spanish Democ-
racy
1949 — 511
Crown, John R.
1948 — 171
Crozier, Helen
1948—356
Crum, Bartley
1953—259
INDEX
259
Crura, Bartley C.
1947—79, 89, 93, 9S, 103,
1S6, 235
194S — 115, 116, 182, 185,
198, 239, 262, 309,
318, 332, 354, 383
1949—309, 435, 542, 560,
688
1951 — 263
Crump, Frank
1948 — IS 4
1949 — 561
Crusade Against Govern-
ment Investigating
Agencies, The
1959 — 208, 209
Crutcher, Norval
1947 — 301, 302
1948—251, 252, 255, 257
Cruz, Ladisloa
1955—388
Cry Is Peace, The
1953 — 140
Cuaron, Ralph
1955—388, 390
Cuhl, Calvin
1947 — 179, 185, 187, 196
Culinary Union
1949 — 476
Culinary Workers Union
1959 — 20
Cullen, Countee
194S — 113, 248, 273, 375,
389, 391
1949—471
Cullen, Tom
1943—153
1948 — 155, 164, 193
Cultural and Professional
Projects Association
1943 — 149
1951 — 83
Cultural and Scientific Con-
ference for World Peace
1949 — 476, 479
1953 — 285
Cultural and Scientific
Conference Chairman
1951—270
Cultural Commission
1953 — 173
Cultural Commission of the
Communist Party of the
United States
1949 — 88
Cultural Conference for
1949—147
Cultural Folk Dance Group
1948 — 392
1949 — 543
Culture and Democracy
1948—310
Culture and the Crisis
1948 — 153
Culver City Hospital
1955—98
Cumming, Gordon R.
1955 — 367
Cummings, Constance
1948 — 378
Cunningham, Rosalie
1948 — 356
Curaj, Emily
1948—259
Curie, Frederic Joliot
1953 — 275
Curie, Joliot
1955 — 308, 309
Curland, David
1951—24
Curran, Joseph
1945—148
1948—114, 115, 132, 151
162, 198, 202, 211
296, 323, 324, 328,
223, 228, 234, 235,
351, 352
238, 240, 247, 248,
1949 — 448, 449
251, 252, 253, 255,
1953 — 64
256, 261, 262, 265,
Current Book House
266, 277
1953 — 229
1953-
-73, 75, 101, 102,
Currie, Laughlin
103, 104, 223, 254,
1959 — 173, 174
255, 256, 257, 260,
Curtis, Diana
263, 264, 266, 269,
194S — 16
277, 278, 284
Curtis, Eva
1955-
-10, 11, 13, 14, 21,
1948 — 266
22, 29, 39, 40, 43,
Curtis, Louis W.
44, 45, 46, 49, 67,
1948—317
96, 134, 135, 136,
Cush, Pat
137, 175, 181, 182,
1948 — 226
195, 203, 231, 269,
Cushing, Edward
282, 29S, 353, 355,
1948 — 311
369, 373, 385, 389,
Cushing, G. J.
402, 404, 405, 409,
1959—97
411, 412, 414, 416,
Cushing, Hazel M.
417, 422, 439, 440,
194S — 352
463
Cushman, Bishop Ralph
1957-
-1, 8, 20, 77, 79, 122,
1948 — 132, 181
125, 146
Cutler, Emma
1959-
-28, 99, 130, 134
1943 — 159
1947—74, 77
1949 — 423
Cutler, Mrs. Sydney
Daily People's World,
Editor-in-Chief
1951 — 238
1948 — 146
Daily Recorder (Chicago)
Cutler Victor
1948-
-224
1948 — 278
Daily Worker
Cutter Laboratories,
Inc
1943-
-100
1955 — 48, 49, 50,
51,
64,
1945-
-133
65, 68
1947-
-25-27, 31, 36, 47,
1959 — 132, 134
61, 68-70, 81, 83,
Cvetich, Matthew
97, 109, 117, 136,
1951 — 22
138, 170, 189-191,
Cykler, Dr. Edmond
201, 202, 222, 229,
1948 — 171
231, 369
Czech Nationalist Socialist
1948-
-9, 35, 49, 56, 86,
Party
93. 94, 96, 99-104,
1949 — 110
108, 117-121, 123,
Czerniawski, Albin
125-128, 130-133,
1955 — 2, 3, 5, 6, 7
'. 8,
13,
135-139, 145, 153,
15, 17, 18,
19,
20,
156, 158, 159, 162,
22, 23, 26,
27,
28,
165-167, 176, 181,
29, 30, 31,
32,
34,
185, 188, 191, 192,
38, 39, 40,
41,
42,
196, 200, 207, 208,
43, 46, 47
212, 224, 225, 232,
237, 242, 244, 245,
D
251, 260, 267, 273-
Daggett, Charles
1959 — H6
275, 338, 362-366,
370, 371, 376, 377,
Dahl, Ingolf
385, 391
1948 — 317
1949-
—96, 99, 104, 105,
1949 — 698
107, 108, 109, 112,
Dahl, Vivian
113, 116, 117, 119,
1947 — 89
124, 126, 160, 164,
1949 — 425
165, 171, 175, 178,
Da hi berg, Edward
181, 182, 196, 197,
1945 — 121, 126
200, 202, 205, 224,
1948 — 244, 273, 274
231, 262, 263, 276,
1949 — 471
302, 327, 328, 360,
Dahlsten, Leonard
365, 378, 385, 388,
1955 — 391
404, 420. 421, 442,
Daily Bruin, The
444, 446, 447, 448,
1949 — 559
450, 452, 454, 460,
1957 — 5, 6, 12, 13
, 14,
17,
461, 467, 471, 484,
18, 20, 21,
22,
24,
513, 535, 543, 545,
25, 26, 27,
28,
29,
553, 561, 619, 620,
226, 248, 294,
71, 77, 103
Daily Californian
1957—2
Daily Herald
1951 — 279
Daily News
1948 — 172
1955—244
Daily Neios Release
1957 — 140
Daily People's World
1951 — 24, 25, 26, 28, 29,
31, 50, 78, 84, 92,
151, 169, 170, 172,
1951—9, 11, 52, 9S, 170,
179, 182, 201, 261,
262, 263, 268, 269,
276, 282
1953—69, 71, 73, 140,
230, 231, 232
1955 — 366
1957—3, 8, 79, 91, 107,
146
1959 — 13, 35, 85, 109,
126, 146, 180
Daily Worker, Editor
1951—269
260
UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN CALIFORNIA
Daily Worker,
Foreign Editor
1951—269
Daily Worker Publishing
Co.
1949 — 303
Daily Variety
1948—138
Daku Singh
1953 — 218
Dale, Thelma
1948 — 228, 230
1949—450, 457, 458, 546
Daley, Allyn
1948—356
Dalin, David
1953—232
Dalip Singh
1953—217
Dallas, John G.
1947 — 99
Dallet, Joe
1948 — 94
1949—179, 553
Dallin
1957 — 62
Dallin, David
1959—45
Dallob, Samuel
194S— 375
Dalrymple, Sherman
1945—148
1948—151, 248
Daly's Theatre (New York
City)
1948—188
Damas, M. F.
1949 — 437
Damon, Anna
1948 — 266
1949 — 179
Damon, Frances
1948—187, 228
1949 — 458, 563
Dana, H. W. L.
1948 — 189, 194, 244, 266,
325, 326, 338, 377
1949—491, 539
Dana, Malcolm Boyd
1948 — 334
Dance Committee
1948—323
Danchenko, Memirovich
1953 — 234
Dange, Shripat Amrit
1953 — 230
Danger of a Third World
War
1948—218
Daniel, Urcel
1943 — 153
Daniels, Mr.
1949—611
Daniels, Harry
1948 — 157, 214
Daniels, Ursula
1948 — 188, 250
1949—382
Danskin, et al. v. Han Diego
Unified School District
1949—576
Dante Alighieri Society
1943 — 287, 303
Darby, Louise
1947 — 242
1949 — 436
Darby, Raymond "V.
1948 — 60
1949 — 595
Darcy, Sam
1943 — 37, 98, 114
1947 — 77
1948—7, 12, 118, 121, 134,
148, 166, 330, 358,
359, 362, 391,
1949—174, 177, 339, 355,
356, 423, 440, 451-
454, 521
Dark Side of the Moon
1949 — 654
Darling, Charlotte
1943 — 167
Darr, Rev. John
1948—338
1949 — 489, 513, 526
1951 — 278
Darr, John W.
1949—507, 508, 523, 526,
530, 531
Darr, Dr. John W., Jr.
1949 — 480, 499, 502, 503,
505, 506, 513, 531,
535
Darrow, Clarence
1948 — 273
1957—62
Dart, Van
1948 — 185
Darvin, Martin
1949 — 546
Dasakis, George
1951 — 247
da Silva, Howard
1948—62, 355, 356
1949 — 146, 480, 489, 499,
501, 502, 503, 506,
509, 512, 513, 515,
521, 527, 632, 68S
Da Silva, Howard
1951 — 25, 271
Da Silva, Joseph
1948 — 241
Das Kapital
1943 — 19, 21
Dassin, Jules
1948—97, 129. 159
1949 — 480, 499, 503
1951 — 221
Dasunda Singh
1953—218
Daugherty, James
1945 — 139, 140
1948 — 62, 233
1949 — 470
Daughertv, Jane
1955 — 329
Daugherty, John
1959 — 99
Daughters of the American
Depression
1948—73, 334
1949—304
Daughters of the American
Revolution
1949 — 305
1959 — 213
Daunic, Gilbert
1949—429, 431
Davenport, Ed. J.
(Councilman)
1947—193
1949—609, 610, 612, 614
Davenport, Marcia
1948—262
Davenport, Mary
1948 — 356
Daves, Delmer
1948—210
Daves, Delmer L.
1955 — 456
Davidman, Joy
1947 — 106
1948 — 340
Davidoff, Dr. Leo M.
1949 — 480, 484, 489, 499,
507, 509, 513, 522,
531, 532
Davidoff, Leon
1949—535
Davidson, Dr. (Dean,
UCLA)
1951—112, 113, 114, 115
Davidson, Dr. Edward W.
1948 — 16
Davidson, Florence
1949—486
Davidson, Jo
1947 — 98, 233-235, 237
1948 — 131, 262, 318, 323
324, 330, 354
1949 — 480, 484, 485, 4S6
489, 499, 505, 509
513, 515, 517, 518
519, 522, 524, 525
526, 530, 531, 532
537
Davidson, Mrs. Jo
1948 — 227, 228
1949 — 456, 457
Davidson, Prof. Percy E.
1948—359
Davidson, Sid (Martin)
1948 — 268
1949—464
1951 — 83
Davies, Donald
1948 — 210
Davies, Edgar
1947 — 124, 125
Davies, Joseph E.
19 43 — 18
1947 — 115, 116
1948 — 323
1949—92
Davies, Mrs. Joseph E.
1948—228
1949—456, 457
Davies, Lester
1948 — 378
1949 — 557
Davies, Marjorie Post
1948 — 227
1949 — 456
Davies, Spencer
1948 — 210
Davies, Valentine
1948—372
Davis, Ben
1957 — 124
1959—151
Davis, Benjamin J., Jr.
1947—153, 154, 227
194S— 151, 212, 266, 352
1949 — 108, 109, 144, 451
453-455, 521,
522
545, 557, 625
1951 — 281
1953—173
Davis, Bette
1917 — 182, 185
1948 — 254, 262, 378
1949—557
Davis, Clarence
1947 — 90
Davis, Charlotte
1951—232
Davis, David
1948—213
Davis, Donald
1948 — 210
Davis, Emma Lou
1947 — 72, 73
Davis, Dr. Frank C.
1945—137
1947 — 67, 70-73, 96,
97,
129, 253, 263,
264,
266
1918— 1S3, 186, 248,
249,
279, 309, 328,
346,
349, 352, 375,
382
1949 — 419, 421, 422,
688
1951 — 59, 60
Davis, Frank Marshall
1949—546, 562
INDEX
261
Davis, Hallie Flanagar
i
1948—106, 160, 161,
183,
1949 — 480
185, 249, 267,
279,
1951 — 271
344, 358, 359
Davis, Herbert
1949—421
1949 — 530, 532, 538,
539
Dawson, Mrs. Ernest
Davis, Dr. Herbert Joh
n
1948 — 277, 278
1948 — 322, 323, 325
Dawson, Harry
1949—483, 502, 503,
534
1949—179
Davis, Dr. Howard
Dawson, Jane
1948—344
1955—316, 323, 337,
339,
Davis, Jerome
340, 341, 342,
349,
1948—97, 113, 151,
178,
356, 383, 384,
385
179, 181, 196,
211,
Dawson, Joseph Martin
i
244, 320, 327,
341,
1948—320, 321
351, 352
Dawson, Dr. Percy M.
1 
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